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| 1 |
ID:
133960
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates how a collective memory of trauma was produced in the course of commemorating the 2-28 Incident in the context of the 2004 election campaign, and how this memory production led to the parallel formation of a Taiwanese national identity. The 2-28 Hand-in-Hand Rally was designed to remember the 2-28 Incident as a historical trauma in order to be forgotten. The remembering of the 2-28 Incident must be regarded as a constructive process as opposed to a retrieval process. The memory of the 2-28 Incident was selectively constituted in favor of sovereign power.
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| 2 |
ID:
186681
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New Delhi, Prabhat Prakashan, 2014.
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| Description |
227p.hbk
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| Contents |
Book in Hindi Language.
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| Standard Number |
817315466X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060214 | 320.9/MOD 060214 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
151087
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a dispute between two national movements claiming the same territory. It has been ongoing for over a hundred years, passing through different phases. In this respect, the 1967 Six-Day War signified the beginning of a new stage in the conflict in which relations between the occupied and the occupier have come to play a formative role in Israeli reality and be a primary factor in the construction of Israeli society. Since 1967 Israel has occupied Palestinian territories, and the Palestinian population has been living under occupation for almost five decades. In the summer of 2005, Israel withdrew unilaterally from the Gaza Strip and from four settlements on the West Bank, nevertheless continuing to control many aspects of life in Gaza (via border controls, blockades and other restrictions).
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| 4 |
ID:
108305
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Greek Orthodox Church in Palestine, the largest of the Christian denominations, had long been troubled by a conflict ("controversy") between its all-Greek hierarchy and its Arab laity hinging on Arab demands for a larger role in church affairs. At the beginning of the Mandate, community leaders, reacting to British official and Greek ecclesiastical cooperation with Zionism, formally established an Arab Orthodox movement based on the structures and rhetoric of the Palestinian nationalist movement, effectively fusing the two causes. The movement received widespread (though not total) community support, but by the mid-1940s was largely overtaken by events and did not survive the 1948 war. The controversy, however, continues to negatively impact the community to this day.
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| 5 |
ID:
044138
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| Publication |
Laeutta, World Press pvt. Ltd., 1972.
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| Description |
x, 202p.: bib.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010064 | 954.035/SIN 010064 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
106504
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The land-locked north China province of Shanxi, identified in 1870 by the geologist Baron Richthofen as 'one of the most remarkable coal and iron regions in the world', was the site of a provincially-defined national movement far removed from the better-studied treaty ports and their articulate and prolific nationalists. This late-Qing provincialism may be read as a mediating symbol of an emerging national consciousness.
Social tensions were exacerbated by external challenges brought by foreign agents, and their Chinese collaborators, of cultural and economic imperialism. Opposition to missionaries and Chinese Christians had begun as early as the 1860s. In 1898 the British Pekin Syndicate and its extra-provincial Chinese associates, with the backing of the central government, secured rights to Shanxi's rich coal and iron resources. These rights were ceded back ten years later after a successful 'rights-recovery' movement that possesses similarities to (but also significant differences from) the well-studied oppositional movements in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Hunan, and Shandong in the period 1905-1911. The duration of Shanxi's struggle, along with its extra-bureaucratic elite activism, popular mobilization, and cooperation with Beijing, makes its rights-recovery movement distinctive. The rhetoric and practices of the movement, which began before the Boxer Uprising of 1900 and reflects the rhetorical influence of these earlier protests, contributed to a strong regional solidarity that was backed by central state authority. There were various patterns of protest, one indigenous and provincial, one extra-provincial and nationalist, that interacted in the period 1902-1908. Provincial activists, including merchants, peasants, students, degree-holders, and officials, insisted that Shanxi's coal was for the use of the community, the province, and the nation on terms established by and for the people of Shanxi. In their victory, localism, provincialism, and the national project, had come together.
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| 7 |
ID:
166586
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd., 2019.
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| Description |
xii, 268p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789387324831
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059684 | 297.4/KUM 059684 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
067415
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| 9 |
ID:
159715
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Life Span Publishers and Distributors, 2018.
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| Description |
xii, 288p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788183690072
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059429 | 954.0317/PRU 059429 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
080036
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2007.
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An iron law of the conflict over Palestine has been the refusal by the Zionist movement and its backers, first Great Britain and then the United States, to make room for the existence of Palestinians as a political community. This non-recognition is rooted in historical forces that predate the existence of the Zionist movement and the Palestinians as a people. Consequently, there is a tension between identity and territory, with obvious repercussions for the following questions: Who are the Palestinians? What do they want? And who speaks for them? This essay calls for a critical reappraisal of the relationship between the concepts "Palestine" and "Palestinians," as well as of the state-centered project of successive phases of the Palestinian national movement.
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| 11 |
ID:
108521
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| 12 |
ID:
133822
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Current literature on twentieth century Kurdish history overwhelmingly covers Kurdish populations and national movements within the borders of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. This article, hoin Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan,ever, focuses on Soviet Kurdistan and Kurdish policy in Azerbaijan between 1920 and 1937 through the broader question of national minorities within the republic. It is claimed here that the Soviet policy on Azerbaijani Kurds was part of a multilayered issue. First of vnall, the Kurds of Azerbaijan were semi-nomadic mountain dwellers transformed by the modernization policies implemented in Soviet territories. Azerbaijani Kurds were a national identity within the Soviet Union and thus subject to ethnophilic All-Union policies in those years. Finally, Kurds were one of the numerous national minorities in the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan who were exposed to the national minority policies executed within the republic by the administration in Baku. The national minority policy in Azerbaijan was often contested and limited by local conditions and obstacles. Therefore, the granting of cultural rights in the 1920s to national minorities, which included the Kurds of Azerbaijan, the promotion of these rights in the 1920s and 1930s, and opposition to these policies can only be examined with regard to these three layers.
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| 13 |
ID:
078154
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