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ID:
067516
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2006.
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| Description |
xii, 228p.
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| Series |
Democratization studies
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| Contents |
Based on papers written for a 2003 European Consortium of Political Research workshop
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| Standard Number |
041534784X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050575 | 323.04202854678/OAT 050575 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
136932
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the winter of 2011–2012 in Russia, tens of thousands of citizens attended protest demonstrations in Moscow and other Russian cities after anger erupted over electoral manipulation in the December 2011 parliamentary elections. In response, the state organised a large number of loyalists to participate in street rallies to support the regime. Similar to other events of mass protest from Occupy Wall Street in the United States (US) to the Los Indignados movement in Spain to the Arab Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, new media played a significant role in the mobilisation of protest in Russia. Yet, the role of new media and the precise mechanisms that link new media use and protest decisions remain the subject of some debate across all of these protest events.
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| 3 |
ID:
155572
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Russian state-sponsored campaign to spread disinformation abroad has found fertile ground in the United States, thanks to upheaval in the news media and politicians’ denigration of the press.
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| 4 |
ID:
114951
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares the web presence of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the British Liberal Democrats in order both to analyse the ability of the internet to strengthen parties as political institutions as well as to reflect upon the relative democratic value of parties online in different types of regimes. The article compares the party websites in early 2010 through an analysis of online audience, web links, content posted by parties and user-generated material linked to the two parties. The research found that the online potential of party communication, despite the universal availability of powerful tools of information distribution and social networking opportunities, was far more closely tied to national political culture than to cyber-culture in general. The Communist Party web activity tended to parallel the party activity offline, failing to craft the appearance of a more modern or inclusive party. At the same time, supporters of the British Liberal Democrats made greater use of external social networking and were apparently more connected with the broader political sphere, although perhaps at the expense of party branding and control. The findings demonstrate the need to understand how national political organisations and attitudes can play a much stronger role than technological potential in shaping the democratising forces of the online sphere.
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