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| 1 |
ID:
146360
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| Summary/Abstract |
A century ago, at Ypres, in Belgium, the use of chemical weapons in the First World War began. Ninety years ago, in Geneva, a protocol to ban the use of chemical weapons was signed. Two years ago, the attack on Ghouta, on the outskirts of Damascus, forced Syria’s accession to the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). A promise to eliminate Syria’s chemical-weapons stocks followed. Yet today, in Syria and Iraq, these abhorrent weapons continue to be used.
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| 2 |
ID:
108853
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| 3 |
ID:
144614
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| Summary/Abstract |
Transparency has long been a rare commodity in international affairs. But today, the forces of technology are ushering in a new age of openness that would have been unthinkable just a few decades ago. Governments, journalists, and nongovernmental organ¬izations (NGOs) can now harness a flood of open-source information, drawn from commercial surveillance satellites, drones, smartphones, and computers, to reveal hidden activities in contested areas—from Ukraine to Syria to the South China Sea
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| 4 |
ID:
192285
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of this article is to provide evidence that the legacy of the Nu?ayr?- ?Alaw? Heroes has continued from medieval times to the present, where we can see it in the ongoing civil war in Syria
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| 5 |
ID:
157913
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This article examines contemporary aspects of the identity construction of the ‘Alawi diaspora in Argentina. In the local context, the preservation of ‘Alawi singularity has so far been a key element in the group’s identity. The strategies for integration as legitimate Muslims in the wider Islam and the closeness to Shi’ism are relatively independent of how these processes took place in the homeland. I first describe the geography of the diaspora in Argentina, comprising the spaces and institutions where descendants settled all over the country. I analyze the factors that helped keep the nodes connected and I will demonstrate that these constitute a center/periphery logic for communities concerning the alleged degrees of preservation of the culture of origin they symbolize. I will try to show that ‘Alawis integrated into the diversity of Islam in Argentina while preserving their sectarian borders and, at the same time, stressing an “Arab” identity. I argue that these strategies should be understood in the local arena of an intra-Islamic pluralism that constitutes Muslim presence in Argentina, where the dynamics of sectarianisms assume idiosyncratic characteristics. Finally, I will show institutional closeness to Shi’ism as a recent development, promoted by the common political stance of both groups on the conflict in Syria. We will see that this closeness does not imply the dissolution of doctrinal boundaries between Shi’is and ‘Alawis and that it involves a redefinition of the diaspora in terms of increasingly claiming a Syrian national origin.
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| 6 |
ID:
126233
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Samar Yazbek talks to Alan Philps about the intimidation she endured for speaking out
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| 7 |
ID:
183760
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| Summary/Abstract |
Syria and Lebanon were declared French mandates by the League of Nations just after the First World War at the climax of a global prohibition, especially in the United States. Contrary to North Africa, Levant was already a great land of wine and arak production, especially through religious congregations. In that context, especially during the 1930s crisis, the French authorities were asked to protect and sustain the Lebanese vineyards, and more generally the alcohol levant economy. However, at the same time the administrators were pressured by Muslim lobbies and the League of Nations to ‘improve the social situation’ in the territories they had to manage, which could mean a stronger control of alcohol consumptions. In that context, alcohol regulation was a part of the paternal Republicanism that, according to Elizabeth Thompson, characterized the social policy of France in the Levant. How could the authorities manage these two different stakes? To try to answer, I have analysed the Lebanon newspapers from the nineteen-twenties in Saint-Joseph University and special issues on alcohol control, from French security services of the mandate, at the French Diplomatic Archives of Nantes (CADN).
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| 8 |
ID:
154253
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| Summary/Abstract |
The US has justified the use of military force against the Syrian regime under Bashar al-Assad, after its alleged use of chemical weapons against civilians. However, as long as the UN Security Council does not agree to intervention, unilateral American action is not permissible under the UN Charter. Even the principle of “responsibility to protect” is not justified in this case, as action would most likely be short, punitive and unlikely to end the attacks on Syrian civilians. The use of force rules, originating in customary international law and partially codified in the UN Charter, establish the lawful framework for the initiation of military activity by a government. Humanitarian intervention or a military campaign calculated to stop widespread attacks on a civilian population, including acts of genocide, other crimes against humanity and war crimes is also contested as it is not defined in the UN Charter, although many scholars and activists claim it is supported by the charter's central objective to defend human rights and fundamental freedoms.
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| 9 |
ID:
158001
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| Publication |
London, C Hurst and Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2017.
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| Description |
xiv, 291p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781849048101
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059348 | 303.625/HOL 059348 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
127452
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
SINCE EARLY 2011, political developments in Egypt and Syria have repeatedly captured the attention of the American foreign-policy elite. The Obama administration has tried to guide the turbulent political situation in post-Mubarak Egypt and become increasingly engaged in Syria's bloody civil war. The United States is already helping arm some of the forces fighting against the Assad regime, and President Obama came close to attacking Syria following its use of chemical weapons in August 2013. Washington is now directly involved in the effort to locate and destroy Syria's chemical-weapons stockpiles.
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| 11 |
ID:
102594
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the 17th century Christian missionaries began to arrive to the region of the Ottoman Empire especially to Syria, Lebanon, and the Holy Land, in order to work among the Eastern Christians and among the Muslims, including the religious minorities such as the Druze and the Nusayris/?Alawis. Their main target was to convince them to convert. The American Protestant missionaries were the main missionaries who worked among the Nusayris. Due to their extreme beliefs, the Nusayris were mistreated by the Ottomans, and the region in which they resided was much neglected. The Protestant missionaries took advantage of this opportunity and began to build schools in the region so that Nusayri children could be taught the Bible and be induced to convert. The Ottomans grasped the danger of the missionary activity in the Empire and tried to win the Nusayris back by building schools and mosques to 'Sunnify' them. After 60 years of working amongst the Nusayris the success of the missionaries was very limited.
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| 12 |
ID:
126202
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| 13 |
ID:
123194
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2013.
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PRESIDENT OBAMA'S June 13 decision to send light weapons and ammunition to Syrian rebels reflects a fundamental reality in the dialectic of American foreign policy. Within this administration and indeed throughout official Washington, humanitarian interventionism is the inevitable default position for policy makers and political insiders. There is no intellectual counterweight emanating from either party that poses a significant challenge to this powerful idea that America must act to salve the wounds of humanity wherever suffering is intense and prospects for a democratic emergence are even remotely promising.
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| 14 |
ID:
133849
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turmoil in Iraq reached a new level when ISIL seized Mosul after the Iraq security force collapsed on June 10. Although ISIL, the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant , look after over Fallujah in early 2014, this latest development has deeper repercussions. On June 29, ISIL declared a large territory between Iraq and Syria a new state.
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| 15 |
ID:
143054
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since June 2014, the extremist terrorist group known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL or ISIS) has expanded quickly and seized significant territory in Iraq and Syria. It not only threatens the very existence of the Iraqi government, but also has changed the nature of the Syria conflict, and its influence is spilling over outside of the region.
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| 16 |
ID:
151023
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| 17 |
ID:
174665
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| Summary/Abstract |
On the morning of August 24, 2016, units of the Turkish armed forces, along with allied groups such as the Free Syrian Army, crossed the border into northern Syria. Their target was a region still dominated by the presence of the weakened and declining Islamic State, yet their ultimate purpose was to block the increase of Kurdish power in the region. Just over a month after an armed coup attempt and exactly five centuries after the battle of Marj Dabiq, which once brought about Ottoman hegemony over Syria and Egypt, the military operation was to represent the beginning of Turkey's direct involvement southward and, arguably, a stepping stone toward dominance in northern Syria. Turkey's increased presence in Syria and its attempt to expand its reach throughout the Middle East and the wider Muslim world can be considered a forward defense of its Anatolian heartland. After all, it is the geography of Anatolia that enables Turkey to project its power into the Marmara straits, the Black Sea, the Aegean Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean, while simultaneously placing the state in proximity to the Caucasus and even within striking distance of the Persian Gulf. Accordingly, Anatolia is also vulnerable to attack from many sides, despite complex relations with historical enemies such as Russia and Greece, leading to the existence of elements of the security community.
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| 18 |
ID:
086333
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The now-deceased leader of the Anbar Awakening, Sheikh Abd al Sittar Abu Reesha, once said, "Our American friends had not understood us when they came. They were proud, stubborn people and so were we. They worked with the opportunists, now they have turned to the tribes, and this is as it should be."1
Until 2007, the most violent region of insurgent attacks against U.S. forces in Iraq had been al Anbar, the largely rural, expansive western province stretching from the outskirts of Baghdad to Iraq's lengthy, mostly unsecured desert borders with Sunni-dominated Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Syria.2 In what is most easily described as a marriage of convenience, Sunni insurgents and foreign Sunni al Qaeda fighters in al Anbar had formed a strategic and tactical alliance against what was perceived as an occupation by the United States or, more pointedly, against the occupation of a Muslim land by a largely Christian force, a deep affront to traditional Muslim values harkening back to the Crusades of the Middle Ages.3 Iraqis in al Anbar provided local knowledge, logistics, and up to 95 percent of the personnel, while experienced foreign al Qaeda fighters provided training, expertise, and financing. The pitch was simple: "We are Sunni. You are Sunni. The Americans and Iranians are helping the Shi'a - let's fight them together."
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| 19 |
ID:
140846
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| Summary/Abstract |
The humanitarian crisis in Syria has triggered diverse questions on the role of the international community and regional actors – in particular the Arab League – to assume their responsibility in matters of peace and security. Military interventions in past conflicts show proof that the Arab League has the military and doctrinal capacity to justify and accommodate their deployment in its member states and to contribute to international peace and security as envisaged under the UN Charter. A blueprint on future operationalization of military operations under its flag examines the relevant laws which they have to respect.
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| 20 |
ID:
121502
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