| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
120790
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines current rock culture in the Balkans as a potential vehicle for rebuilding the broken sociocultural bonds between the different post-Yugoslav societies and for creating a constructive cultural space for articulating new forms of civic and post-nationalist identities. The argument offered is that, after the sociocultural exile during the war years, rock culture in the post-conflict Balkans has considerable potential to establish itself as a popular-cultural force of 'utopian transcendence' of the current ethno-nationalist sociopolitical moment, and as a catalyst of the new post-Yugoslav spirit of openness, tolerance and peaceful coexistence.
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| 2 |
ID:
068851
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| 3 |
ID:
066950
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| 4 |
ID:
051777
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| Publication |
Sep-Nov 2003.
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| 5 |
ID:
123600
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Alexander the Great campaigned successfully for twelve years, across the range of military operations, against a wide range of opponents, and within many varied geographical environments. This article argues that this remarkable record of success can be partially attributed to Alexander's ability to adapt at the tactical, operational and strategic levels. Alexander was also capable of operating beyond the bounds of his cultural normative framework. After a brief discussion of Macedonian warfare, this article analyses Alexander's art of adaptation through the exploration of important strategic moments. These moments are his operations in the Balkans, defeat of the Persian navy, counterinsurgency in central Asia and the battle of Hydaspes.
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| 6 |
ID:
052820
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| 7 |
ID:
169521
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| Summary/Abstract |
I only wished to say that ideas that have great results are always simple ones. My whole idea is that if vicious people are united and constitute a power, then honest folk must do the same. Now that's simple enough.
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| 8 |
ID:
060720
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| 9 |
ID:
088407
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author, the Greek ambassador to the United States, argues that the Balkan countries have made significant strides in economic and security stabilization over the past decade but points to particular challenges, notably in Kosovo and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). He argues that conditions in both countries remain volatile and that any solutions must come in the context of relations with European neighbors and within the frameworks of existing treaties and policies. He describes how Greece has contributed to economic development in the region in hopes of stabilizing the it as part of the wider European and international communities and argues that actions by FYROM jeopardize its relationship with international organizations and thus pose a threat to stability in the region.
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| 10 |
ID:
100699
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE "MANAGEABLE CHAOS" came to the Balkans twenty years ago in the form of ethnoconfessional conflicts and wars, and continued fragmentation of what had been Yugoslavia not so long before. The peninsula was turned into a testing ground of regime change technologies known as color revolutions with the absolute majority of its population living in poverty and the military and political presence of third forces ensured by the EU and UN peacekeepers and NATO. This is a natural outcome of the development of the world system of capitalism. Why did the Balkans become a zone of instability/chaos and permanent crisis? The answer to this question is obvious.
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| 11 |
ID:
140814
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| Publication |
Nederland, Time-Life international, 1966.
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| Description |
159p.: ill.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 000432 | 949.6/STI 000432 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
020710
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| Publication |
Autumn 2001.
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| Description |
52-75
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| 13 |
ID:
188114
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Europe’s current energy crisis underscores its failure to deal adequately with the problems posed by increasing dependence one Russian gas. Particularly in the Balkans Russia’s oligopolistic position if not monopoly in some countries adds to its leverage upon them, stimulates corruption and state capture, and in general inhibits the European integration project. Nevertheless, there are opportunities to bring more gas into the Balkans and through them to Central Europe to reduce Russia’s hegemonic position in the gas market and reverse the trend towards illiberalism and poor governance that marks the region. Albania’s example and the connections to its neighbors that flow form its EU-approved plan illustrate what should be done and how such programs would improve energy and governance, if not security, in the Balkans and Europe as a whole.
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| 14 |
ID:
107148
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ten years after the last war in the region, the Balkans is still an assemblage of frustrated protectorates and weak states. Bosnia and Kosovo are trapped in the labyrinthine politics of semi-independence; Albania, Macedonia and Montenegro are small and claustrophobic republics with populist and divisive governments and opposition forces that are discouraged and discouraging at the same time. Serbia has not yet made up its mind how to reconcile its position on Kosovo with its aspiration to join the European Union. Croatia has succeeded in its accession talks with the EU, which closed on 30 June 2011, but the mood of the public is dire due to mismanagement and corruption scandals. The Balkans currently reflects a mixture of Greek-style economic problems, Berlusconi-style politics and Turkish-level hopes when it comes to joining the EU. With Italy and Greece facing deep political and economic troubles of their own, the Balkans has lost its natural advocates for EU membership.
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| 15 |
ID:
066214
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| 16 |
ID:
008339
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| Publication |
Sept 25, 1995.
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| Description |
26-30
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| 17 |
ID:
101342
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2010.
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This article evaluates the record of minority return in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo to assess the viability of ethnic reintegration in the wake of protracted sectarian violence. Comparative analysis reveals that the logic of post-war ethnic spoils has greatly limited the success of such programmes. What success has been achieved is largely due to third party efforts to disrupt patronage networks and challenge post-war authorities. I conclude that these factors are more significant barriers to reintegration than inexorable ethnic hatreds and fears derived from memories of war. Because such barriers are more readily overcome than entrenched grassroots hostilities, there may be more hope for reintegration than previously thought. However, the systematic failure of the international community to protect and assist prospective minority returnees suggests that continued scepticism of post-war reintegration is in order.
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| 18 |
ID:
160909
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| Summary/Abstract |
If it survives, the hard-won agreement between Greece and Macedonia could eliminate a major source of Balkan tension.
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| 19 |
ID:
141674
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| Summary/Abstract |
A British decision to leave the European Union (in what has become known as a potential ‘Brexit’) could have a significant effect on the UK's relationship with the Western Balkans, argues James Ker-Lindsay. It would almost certainly reduce the country's influence over Bosnia and Herzegovina and its ability to shape the process of engagement between Serbia and Kosovo. At the same time, the UK would gain no material advantage in terms of its ability to handle other regional issues that may have a direct or indirect effect on Britain, such as illegal migration and the flow of fighters from the Balkans into Syria.
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| 20 |
ID:
032030
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| Publication |
Cambridge, University Press, 1971.
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| Description |
373p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
521072832
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007916 | 909.940285/EDW 007916 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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