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| 1 |
ID:
095049
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| 2 |
ID:
173171
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper studies the representations of Africans and African cultures in Hong Kong media and the political, social, and cultural significance in shaping the socioeconomic wellbeing of Africans in the city. With the rising population of Africans in Hong Kong and the evolving nature of Africa-China relations, Africa and its cultures have become more prominent across Hong Kong’s media. Representations of the African continent in Chinese medium newspapers in the city help define the local understanding of African peoples and cultures. By analysing the construction of “African-ness” in these representations, this article shows that African cultures are constantly portrayed in relation to those of Hong Kong. It is by studying the absences and presences of “African-ness” that it can be shown that Africa is often narrated as the subordinate of the local. Significantly, this hierarchical system not only predetermines but also crystalizes the local understanding of Africa.
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| 3 |
ID:
170745
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| 4 |
ID:
167106
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the collective memory of war is frequently invoked in post-war societies, who chooses to invoke it and to what effect has been less studied relative to other aspects of such societies. In this article we employ a case study of Sierra Leone to address this deficit in the post-conflict scholarship by illustrating how the collective memory of that country’s civil war is appropriated by diverse actors in the post-war society. Drawing from field interviews, we present evidence showing how, and why, several societal groups constituted as distinct post-war identities such as victims-rights groups, former defenders of the state, or perpetrators of the violence during the Sierra Leone civil war articulate dissatisfactions with their livelihoods and the reactions of state officials to their demands. The article explains why, and how, successive governments have selectively suppressed the discontent of some groups over livelihood insecurities that are construed as threats to public order while ignoring violent protests from other groups over similar issues, in spite of a 1965 public order act restricting protests. Thus, the article argues that state officials in Sierra Leone have not demonstrated superior commitment to peacebuilding than societal groups that make demands on the state.
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| 5 |
ID:
063702
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| 6 |
ID:
105962
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| 7 |
ID:
177863
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| Summary/Abstract |
Having suffered one of the worst genocides in recorded history, Rwanda today is a country still striving to maintain the equilibrium between the perpetrators and the survivors. After decades of tension between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority, during April to July 1994 an estimated 500,000 to 800,000 people were slaughtered in mass atrocities, with many more displaced from their homes. Political instability, discrimination, traces of colonialism, poverty and competition for power were some of the causes of this horrific extermination. Rwanda has been working ever since to recover from the aftermath of the events that culminated in this government-sponsored slaughter, and has achieved remarkable success – especially in terms of its economy. This study aims to explore the nature of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Fundamentally, it seeks to quantify the intensity and unprecedented nature of the genocide. Understanding how genocides such as this one occurred is crucial for preventing similar future atrocities.
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| 8 |
ID:
120366
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2010, as many as seventeen African states celebrated their independence jubilees. The debates surrounding the organisation of these celebrations, and the imagery and performances they employed, reflect the fault lines with which African nation-building has to contend, such as competing political orientations as well as religious, regional and ethnic diversity. The celebrations represented constitutive and cathartic moments of nation-building, aiming to enhance citizens' emotional attachments to the country and inviting to remember, re-enact and re-redefine national history. They became a forum of debate about what should constitute the norms and values that make-up national identity and, in the interstices of official ceremonies, provided space for the articulation of new demands for public recognition. A study of the independence celebrations thus allows us to explore contested processes of nation-building and images of nationhood and to study the role of ritual and performance in the (re)production of nations.
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| 9 |
ID:
060257
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| 10 |
ID:
126750
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| 11 |
ID:
127154
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinua Achebe and his work represent the restoration of the African as the central focus of deliberation and agency. The importance of that cannot be over-emphasized for a continent and its peoples who were conquered and occupied most devastatingly by Europeans. Achebe has accomplished that task by: (1) ensuring that there is no universal loss of memory of the historic realities of African sovereignty and independence before conquest nor of the regenerative seeds of African freedom that survived the occupation and (2) by countering the conquest literature of the aftermath.
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| 12 |
ID:
137193
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| Summary/Abstract |
Introduction to Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 1/2015: The Chinese Presence in Africa: A Learning Process
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| 13 |
ID:
094616
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| Publication |
London, Earthscan, 2009.
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| Description |
xxvi, 397p.
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| Standard Number |
9781844077458
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054865 | 363.61/BIC 054865 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
101792
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| 15 |
ID:
173790
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ghana entered into the Fourth Republic in 1993 after experiencing political instability over two decades. A defining feature that has characterized the Fourth Republic of Ghana and marred Ghana’s democratic credentials is the emergence of political vigilantism. Political vigilantism has basically been perpetuated by the two leading political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress. The major political actors in the political system of Ghana continue to express the debilitating effects of political vigilantism on Ghana’s democratic advancement, nevertheless, it continues to persist in monumental proportion in our political dispensation. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper examines the factors responsible for the pervasiveness of political vigilantism under the Fourth Republic of Ghana and proffer some plausible solutions to address this political canker.
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| 16 |
ID:
076283
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| 17 |
ID:
106026
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the adverse effects of domestic and transnational terrorism on income per capita growth for 51 African countries for 1970-2007, while accounting for cross-sectional (spatial) dependence and conflict (i.e. internal conflicts and external wars). The findings of the fixed-effects panel estimator suggest that transnational terrorism has a significant, but modest, marginal impact on income per capita growth. These results hold for two different terrorism event datasets. However, domestic terrorist events do not affect income per capita growth. Our findings differ from those in an earlier study on the impact of transnational terrorism on African growth, because we uncover a much more moderate effect. In our study, regional impacts and terrorism-conflict interactions effects are also distinguished. Moreover, our sample countries and period are more extensive. Our article contains a host of robustness checks involving macroeconomic and political variables that find virtually identical results. Alternative terrorist variables are also used, with little qualitative change in the findings. The absence of a domestic terrorism impact is surprising because there were many more domestic than transnational terrorist incidents in Africa. To promote growth, host and donor countries must direct scarce counter-terrorism resources to protect against transnational terrorism in particular. The modest impact of transnational terrorism on African growth means that developing countries' economies have been more resilient to terrorism than has been generally thought.
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| 18 |
ID:
178207
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News reports and policymakers frequently link African civil conflicts and wars to agricultural crises caused by droughts. However, empirical studies of the relationship between rainfall and civil conflict or war remain inconclusive. I reexamine this relationship focusing on rainfall over each country’s agricultural land during the growing seasons. I also incorporate that the relationship between rainfall and agricultural output is hump-shaped, as rainfall beyond a threshold decreases output. I find a U-shaped relationship between rainfall and the risk of civil conflict and war in (Sub-Saharan) African countries. This relationship mirrors the hump-shaped relationship between rainfall and agricultural output.
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| 19 |
ID:
060979
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| Publication |
Mar 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chancellor Gordon Brown has declared that 2005 will be a milestone in the United Kingdom's campaign to meet the UN Millennium Goals. Owing to Britain's chairmanship of both the G8 and the European Union in 2005, Brown believes that an opportunity to raise the continent's star in global politics presents itself. This comes after the launch in 2004 of the Blair Commission for Africa and a recent spate of high profile interventions by assorted politicians and famous musicians. It also follows a trend begun at the G8 meetings where Africa is placed on the G8 agenda. Such an interest in the continent is to be welcomed. Yet this article contends that Gordon Brown's assumptions regarding Africa's troubles, and the ingredients found within his proposals, are mistaken and need rethinking. The article argues that Brown's approach to Africa's problems is based on incomplete information or a misreading of the situation, and by default may serve to prolong Africa's crises rather than alleviate them.
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| 20 |
ID:
181835
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the increase of women in elected office has received much scholarly attention, less attention has been paid to the dynamics of resisting gender quotas in countries that fail to adopt such measures despite regional and international pressure. We develop a context-sensitive typology of affirmative action measures that includes gender quotas and funding incentives and explore determinants of electoral candidates’ positioning in the context of Zambia. Using a sequential mixed-methods approach and unique data, we examine how candidates of different gender, party affiliation, and level of electoral success position themselves when asked to choose between different options. Intriguingly, electoral success and party allegiance – whether a candidate is affiliated with a current or former government party – are more important than gender. This finding is relevant for the debate on feminist democratic representation by showing that candidates are likely to have their more radical views muted when getting into position.
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