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| 1 |
ID:
151302
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| 2 |
ID:
102881
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| 3 |
ID:
102935
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the Islamische Zeitung (IZ), a newspaper made by German Muslims for German Muslims that informs about political, cultural, and theological topics. I argue that beyond providing information, the paper aims to create a platform of debate for a growing group of, in particular, younger pious educated Muslims who examine current politics by way of an Islamic and also an anti-globalization perspective. Of relevance for this audience are Islamic knowledge, local and global politics, everyday religious concerns and practices, and cultural affairs. I illustrate how by discussing certain topics on its pages, the makers of the IZ support specific issues of debates among some pious individuals, such as for example the participation of pious Muslims (men and women) in the democratic process by way of running in elections. Finally I argue that the IZ seeks to link the German Muslim community to the context of the global ummah and here in particular the globalized ummah as a new community marked by a shared popular culture universe. I illustrate that contrary to the claims of some of its opponents, the IZ is a platform for German Muslim affairs that participates in the broader public sphere as much as it helps to mediate a variety of possibilities for the participation of individuals and communities.
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| 4 |
ID:
180059
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Communications through mobile phones and mass media have shown to be useful for health promotion activities in developing nations. This study explored the potential association of mothers’ mobile phone ownership and mass media exposure on maternal health care services in a developing nation setting: urban Bangladesh. The Urban Health Survey 2013 was examined for antenatal care, delivery assistance, and postnatal care of both mothers and children through multiple regression models, adjusting for sociodemographic factors. Among 8987 ever-married female respondents, 64.1% owned mobile phones and 88% were exposed to mass media (TV, radio or newspaper) at least once a week. Mobile phone ownership was associated with a 48% greater likelihood of access to antenatal care, 34% greater delivery assistance and 31% greater postnatal care of the mother, but no differences were found for postnatal care of children. Similarly, frequent media exposure was associated with increased access to antenatal care (38%) and delivery assistance (46%), but not associated with postnatal care of mothers or children. The results suggested that mobile phones and mass media could be valid avenues for promoting access to maternal health services, and thus, support for mobile phone access and investment in awareness campaigns targeting relevant communities are worthwhile
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| 5 |
ID:
099505
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2010.
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This article explores whether and how pre-communist images and stereotypes of Russia and Russians and Poland and Poles are being perpetuated in the framing of Russian-Polish relations by the contemporary Russian and Polish print media. It is hypothesised that the stable core of pre-communist Russian public discourse about Poland and Polish narratives of Russia survived the forced internationalism of the communist period and is present today, although it is also being reimagined at the margins. Using a sample of 1,208 articles from Russian and Polish daily newspapers, the article examines contemporary narratives and their relationship to the old discourses.
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| 6 |
ID:
119731
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nazaruddin's downfall came last May when local newspapers reported he received bribes totalling 25 billion rupiahs ($2.8 million) for a construction contract to build athletes' housing at the Jakarta 2011 Southeast Asian Games. In late September, two members of the project consortium were convicted of involvement in the bribery scandal and were sentenced to only two and two-and-a-half years in prison and a fine of Rp 200 million ($22,300). "If that's all they get, there won't be any deterrent effect," says Indonesia Corruption Watch chairman Danang Widoyoko.
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| 7 |
ID:
153317
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores whether and how exposure to mass media affects regime support in competitive authoritarian regimes. Using geographical and temporal variation in newspaper circulation and radio signal strength in South Korea under Park Chung Hee's competitive authoritarian rule (1961–1972), we find that greater exposure to media was correlated with more opposition to the authoritarian incumbent, but only when the government's control of the media was weaker. When state control of the media was stronger, the correlation between media exposure and regime support disappeared. Through a content analysis of newspaper articles, we also demonstrate that the regime's tighter media control is indeed associated with pro-regime bias in news coverage. These findings from the South Korean case suggest that the liberalizing effect of mass media in competitive authoritarian regimes is conditional on the extent of government control over the media.
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| 8 |
ID:
147393
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Since the 2000s Japan’s defense and security policy has undergone a historic shift, including a series of military expansions, the government’s 2014 approval of a reinterpretation of Article 9 of the postwar Constitution, and the Diet’s passage of security bills in 2015. This poses a question regarding how it was possible for all these changes to occur, if the long-held domestic norm of antimilitarism had persisted. This article examines Japan’s domestic normative context between 2001 and 2013 by analyzing the discursive constructions of Japanese war memory by editorials of two representative newspapers, Yomiuri Shimbun and Asahi Shimbun. It is found that Yomiuri supports the shift for military expansions as compatible with the postwar stance of a pacifist nation with the interpretation that the Japanese war contributed to independence movements in Asia. This is contrasted with Asahi, which opposes the change with a view that Japan’s war was an aggression. This article argues that the emerging discursive practices represented by Yomiuri produced the normative context that appealed to the distinctive target audience in such a way to operate as a precondition for the Japanese government to shift its defense and security policy. This raises the importance of the domestic factor in understanding Japan’s momentous changes in security, adding more nuances to the conventional focus on external factors.
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| 9 |
ID:
099580
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article written by a veteran Russian scholar of China and a veteran of World War II is devoted to his reminiscences about how this tragic page of our common history influenced his life and choice of profession
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| 10 |
ID:
093267
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| Publication |
New Delhi, India Policy Foundation, 2009.
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| Description |
xvii, 163p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054682 | 363.325/SIN 054682 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
121826
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The colonial government attempted to implement the Crown Lands Bill between 1894 and 1897 in Southern Ghana. Among other things, it sought to take control of what was described as 'waste lands' and later 'public lands.' This article focuses on resistance to these bills in which the Aborigines' Rights Protect Society (ARPS) played a leading role on behalf of Southern Ghana. This was one of many precedents to the build-up of tension between the people and the colonial establishment. Among other things, the article examines the ramblings within a colonial administration that attempted to push through its policies against a background of resolute resistance. This led to reluctance on the part of some colonial officers to enforce the policy. The argument is that there was an effective collaboration between the Western-educated elite and the people of coastal Southern Gold Coast in the resistance to these bills. They used official letters of protests, newspaper articles, editorials, and demonstrations to express their dislike for the colonial land policy. In addition, they sent delegations to the colonial government in their effort to resist the attempt to take over 'waste lands' and later 'public lands.' Furthermore, this article argues that the conflict had to do with the different conceptions of land. While the colonial government saw it as part of the economic and political trappings of power, the people of Southern Ghana saw land as a cultural and religious resource that gave them the needed connection with the ancestors in their everyday life.
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| 12 |
ID:
067749
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Penguin Books, 2005.
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| Description |
xviii, 342p.
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| Standard Number |
0670058424
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 050720 | 070.092/VER 050720 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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