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| 1 |
ID:
103994
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Which parameters affect coalition building in budgetary negotiations? In this article, three distinct levels of analysis are identified to account for coalition building patterns, associated with domestic politics, domestic socioeconomic structures and EU politics. At the level of domestic politics, ideology points to cross-governmental affinity of a partisan nature; at the level of socioeconomic structures, similarity of policy interests, generated by cross-national socioeconomic convergence with EU policy standards, informs coalition formation patterns; at the EU politics level, the intergovernmental power balance influences the political aspirations of each Member State in the integration process and coalition-building decisions. Two sets of parameters affect the evolution of EU coalition patterns, corresponding to the integration impact on the EU (new cleavages) and on the Member States (the impact of Europeanisation). This analytical framework is used to examine the southern coalition (Spain, Greece, Portugal) in the four multi-annual financial frameworks (1988, 1992, 1999 and 2005).
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| 2 |
ID:
057752
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| 3 |
ID:
111222
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the early 1970s, Portugal still held on to the oldest European colonial empire, resisting the winds of decolonization in Africa. In this period, the Portuguese were fighting counterinsurgency campaigns in three of its overseas territories: Angola, since 1961; Guinea, since 1963; and Mozambique, since 1964. This article focuses on the counterinsurgency campaign in Mozambique because it was there, in 1972, that the most serious known atrocity took place, at least in terms of its international impact, from these unconventional wars. The appointment of a new commander-in-chief, Kaúlza de Arriaga (1970-73), to Mozambique intensified the war. Larger airborne search and destroy operations were carried out in an attempt to win the campaign quickly and decisively. It was in this context that the killing of civilians took place somewhere around the town of Tete in December 1972, which was eventually followed by an international outcry in response to its public denunciation by Catholic missionaries. The exact location, even the existence of Wiriyamu, as well as the extent of the atrocities, remain contentious. This article will use multiple sources to clarify as far as possible: what happened, why it happened, and its implications for the dynamics of counterinsurgency and intra-state wars generically. Furthermore, it will address specifically what it meant for the Portuguese way in counterinsurgency, until the rapid end of multiple campaigns as a result of a military coup in April 1974, in which Mozambique and the stain of Wiriyamu loomed large.
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| 4 |
ID:
105893
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines democratic practice after the revolution that brought an end to authoritarian dictatorship in Portugal in April 1974, taking the Portuguese case as an opportunity to theorize democratic practice and historical processes that shape its emergence. The argument stresses the distinctive features of democracy born in social revolution and the explanatory role of the partial inversion of social hierarchies and remaking of cultural repertoires in social revolutionary settings. The Portuguese case is compared to its larger neighbor, Spain, which moved from authoritarianism to democracy at roughly the same time following a process of change thoroughly unlike that of Portugal. Comparisons with other instances of postrevolutionary democracy and implications for more conventional democratic systems are also introduced. A central theme concerns the extent to which democracies attain the ideal of full political equality among citizens. This article asserts that democracies born in social revolution may approximate that ideal for reasons rooted in their historical pathways to representative government.
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| 5 |
ID:
116768
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the Peninsular War, General Lord Wellington orchestrated and utilised one of the most sophisticated intelligence collection apparatuses of the nineteenth century. Not only was the intelligence collected by his own personnel made available to him, but so too was that collected by a group of civilian agents recruited and controlled by the British diplomats in Portugal and Spain, Charles Stuart and Henry Wellesley. This article analyses the organisation and evolution of these intelligence networks during the critical years of the Peninsular War. It then explains the impact of this intelligence on Wellington's military planning, specifically focusing on the opening campaigns of 1812. It then locates the historical importance of the intelligence networks developed in the Iberian Peninsula, by comparing them with later examples during the Crimean War (1853-56), and preceding the outbreak of the First World War (1914-18)
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| 6 |
ID:
040394
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| Publication |
London, Hamish Hamilton, 1972.
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| Description |
x, 178p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
241019486
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 008264 | 910.954/CRO 008264 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
138969
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| Summary/Abstract |
The assumption that the border between Spain and Portugal is a stable one since medieval times is commonplace. Thus, the territorial trap conception, as defined by John Agnew, dominates understanding of this border. This paper will focus on a specific border area, the Couto Mixto, in an effort to contest this territorial trap. Furthermore, using some of the emerging border studies concepts, mainly borderscapes and border poetics, this research will discuss how this particular territory has been recently recovered and recreated. The theoretical underpinnings are followed by an analysis of what the Couto was and how it has been reappropriated in narrative terms in the last twenty years. The paper concludes by discussing the empirical findings on the Couto in light of the theoretical sections. It is eventually suggested that tourism based on specific immaterial border legacy could encourage Couto’s inhabitants and the precarious economy of the area.
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| 8 |
ID:
086265
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents a case study of Goan Mozambicans - a diasporic group created out of the itinerant quality that characterized Portuguese (de)colonization in the Indian Ocean. Many chose to emigrate from Portuguese India to Portuguese Africa between the 1920s and 1950s. That some Goans chose to stay while others left in the aftermath of Mozambican independence (1975) is also tied to this migratory history. An ethnographic life history approach is employed to access individual varied experiences of migration. Findings will suggest that Goan Mozambicans occupied an ambiguous position in the colonial order of things, and identify them as local cosmopolitans in postcolonial Mozambique.
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| 9 |
ID:
113308
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, the non-unanimous decisions of the Portuguese and Spanish Constitutional Tribunals for the periods 1989-2009 and 2000-2009 are analysed. It is shown that judicial dissent can be predicted moderately well on the basis of judicial ideal points along a single dimension. This dimension is equivalent to the left-right cleavage in both Portugal and Spain. The characteristics of the recovered dimension are demonstrated by analysing both the properties of the cases and the properties of the justices who decided them.
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| 10 |
ID:
131805
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past 20 years, Bangladeshi migration to Southern European countries has gained an increasing importance. Portugal is no exception, and today more than 4,500 Bangladeshis live in the country. One of the more interesting facets of this population, though, is their educational and economic profile. They come from what has been roughly summed up as the 'new' Bangladeshi 'middle classes'. Their families are both rural and urban, have properties, and own businesses. Other members of their domestic units work in NGOs, and private and state owned companies. Simultaneously, they have considerable educational backgrounds, with college and university degrees, and most are fluent in English. But what was their motivation to come to Europe in the first place? And what does this tell us about the young Bangladeshi middle class? For these young Bangladeshi adults, it is through geographic mobility that one can earn enough economic capital to access the 'modern' and to progress in the life-course. By remaining in Bangladesh, their access to middle class status and adulthood is not guaranteed and thus migrating to Europe is seen as a possible avenue for achieving such dreams and expectations. The main argument in this paper is that migration-as a resource and a discoursive formation-is itself constitutive of this 'middle class'.
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| 11 |
ID:
015146
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| Publication |
Dec 1992.
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| Description |
4-10
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| 12 |
ID:
127997
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Commuting is one of the main contributors to the high energy consumption patterns in modern economies. The need to reduce the energy spent in commuting has attracted the attention of academics and policy makers. The main goal of this research is to improve knowledge of the economic, social, energy and environmental opportunity costs of inter-municipality commuting and to support policy-oriented strategies that explicitly take them into account. For this, we use hypothetical assumptions based on the baseline scenario that Portuguese households do not travel between municipalities for commuting purposes coupled with the expected changes in private final consumption. Accordingly, the direct, indirect and induced opportunity costs of inter-municipality commuting are assessed using an input-output model. The significance of the estimated virtual net benefits of commuting is analyzed according to their macroeconomic (GVA, taxes, international imports and employment), energy (primary energy consumption) and environmental (CO2 emissions) dimensions. The results obtained empirically indicate that inter-municipality commuting has significant opportunity costs in the GVA and GDP as well as in primary energy consumption and CO2 emissions. The results also indicate that commuters in metropolitan regions and long-distance commuters are responsible for a major share of these opportunity costs.
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| 13 |
ID:
110466
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The EU's biggest problem today is the loss of the European idea and the vagueness of European self-identity. Despite the ongoing process of enlargement, EU leaders have been unable to persuasively answer the question of what it means to be a European today.
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| 14 |
ID:
114864
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of this article is to obtain a better understanding of the outcomes of counterinsurgency warfare. It advances the hypothesis that the combined presence of a unified revolutionary force and external sanctuary will significantly increase the chances of victory for insurgents. The variables are tested against Portugal's involvement in the Colonial War, accounting for Portuguese defeat in Guinea-Bissau. The article concludes by extending the hypothesis to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, determining that the ability of the United States to succeed in Afghanistan is limited unless it seals the border with Pakistan and weakens the unity of insurgent forces.
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| 15 |
ID:
132609
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper aims to examine the impacts of fleet composition changes on emission due to the introduction of different road transportation policies in a medium size European country (Portugal) applying an ex-post analysis (e.g. policies based on fuel pricing, car scraping, car taxation). A baseline scenario was compared with a counterfactual scenario in order to understand what would occur in the absence of the introduction of those policies. For each scenario, four approaches were assessed using economic effects and/or human health costs. HC, CO, NOx, PM and CO2 emissions from passenger cars and light duty vehicles were evaluated. The results show high statistical significance (p?0.05) between CO emissions and different vehicle features as vehicle age, fuel type and engine classes. The same pattern was observed between the average vehicle age and HC, NOx and PM. After the implementation of road traffic policies, the average emission factors of the fleet decreased 28-62% for HC, CO, NOx, PM and 20-39% for CO2. However, if a counterfactual scenario would be implemented, the reduction would be 20-80% and 26-55% higher, respectively. The results demonstrates that although were recorded some benefits, the fleet characteristics distribution were more environmental friendly in 2001 than in 2011.
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| 16 |
ID:
188899
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is widely recognized that exports contribute to economic growth. Many governments have seen economic diplomacy representation (foreign offices, embassies and consulates) as an important tool to diminish export barriers and foster economic growth. Thus, this study aims at understanding to what extent does the presence of Portuguese economic diplomatic representation in foreign states impact Portuguese exports. Based on merchandise exports to 144 countries for the period between 2008 and 2018, and using a quasi-gravity model of trade, results indicate that ceteris paribus, Portugal exports more to countries which host a Portuguese office and an increase in the number of offices in a foreign country positively affects exports to that country.
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| 17 |
ID:
188909
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is widely recognized that exports contribute to economic growth. Many governments have seen economic diplomacy representation (foreign offices, embassies and consulates) as an important tool to diminish export barriers and foster economic growth. Thus, this study aims at understanding to what extent does the presence of Portuguese economic diplomatic representation in foreign states impact Portuguese exports. Based on merchandise exports to 144 countries for the period between 2008 and 2018, and using a quasi-gravity model of trade, results indicate that ceteris paribus, Portugal exports more to countries which host a Portuguese office and an increase in the number of offices in a foreign country positively affects exports to that country.
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| 18 |
ID:
109166
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Portuguese national identity was consciously recreated during the 1860s, and a full programme of national identity socialisation was devised. At the core of this project was the proposal to celebrate the 1st of December as the 'Restoration of Independence Day'. The goal of the National Association 1st of December 1640, which was founded in 1861, was to combat cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and Iberianism, and highlight to the outside world, in general, and to the Portuguese 'traitors' in particular, the determination of the Portuguese people to retain their independence. To fulfil this purpose, it was felt necessary to awaken the soul of the Portuguese people by remembering the sufferings of the nation under the yoke of Spain, which lasted from 1580 and 1640, and the national jubilation that accompanied the restoration of freedom. This article argues that, contrary to what is stated in the vast majority of nationalist literature, the original celebration of the 1st of December should not be seen as a response to the Spanish threat of annexation, but rather as a mechanism to prevent attacks against the royal house and the regime it stood for both at home and abroad.
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| 19 |
ID:
107829
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| 20 |
ID:
119873
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Lisbon-Mamadu Indjai has given up on Europe and is heading home to the former Portuguese colony of Guinea-Bissau. The 55-year-old West African has spent the past 19 years in Portugal. Yet all he has to show for his labors are the house he was building for his family back in his ancestral village of Caio. "I haven't got the strength to struggle anymore," Indjai sighs.
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