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| 1 |
ID:
068347
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| 2 |
ID:
114233
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's defense white papers have long been dismissed as lacking substance and offering little useful information on China's real strategic intentions and military capabilities. Nevertheless, since 1998 Beijing has continued to issue defense white papers on a regular two-year frequency. Indeed, in recent years it has accorded greater importance to these documents. This paper argues that China's defense white papers warrant more attention than they have received so far. An examination of the making of the white papers, the functions designated for these documents and their evolving content and structure reveals not only the different nature and purpose of the Chinese white papers compared with their counterparts in Western countries, but also important changes and continuities in China's strategic outlook and its evolving perceptions of the role of the use of force in the context of the country's re-emergence as a major player in international affairs.
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| 3 |
ID:
142020
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the leadership transition in China in November 2012, there have been significant changes in Chinese foreign policy. It has been widely observed that under the new leadership headed by President Xi Jinping, Beijing has become more assertive in international affairs. This paper ex- amines the emerging contours of China's foreign policy under Xi and the implications for the future regional order in the Asia Pacific. It argues that recent international behaviour of China is the manifestation of a new phase of Chinese foreign policy that could be defined as ‘peaceful rise 2.0’. In this analysis, while Beijing still adheres to its declared ‘peaceful development’ policy aiming to maintain a stable external environment conducive to its ascendance, the manner in which it seeks to do so are considerably different from past decades. The paper further argues that despite China's growing power, President Xi faces greater difficulties than his predecessor to achieve his foreign policy objectives. Indeed Beijing's capacity to shape the regional environment in its favour in the near future is arguably declining rather than increasing.
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| 4 |
ID:
138108
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using individual data collected in rural China and adopting Heckman's two-step function, we examined the impact of childcare and eldercare on laborers' off-farm activities. Our study finds that having school-aged children has a negative impact on rural laborers' migration decisions and a positive impact on their decision to work in the local off-farm employment market. As grandparents can help to take care of young children, the impact of preschoolers is insignificant. Having elderly family to care for decreases the income earned by female members of the family. Although both men and women are actively engaged in off-farm employment today in rural China, this study shows that women are still the primary care providers for both children and the elderly. Therefore, reforming public school enrollment and high school/college entrance examination systems so that migrant children can stay with their parents, this will help rural laborers to migrate to cities. The present study also calls for more public services for preschoolers and the elderly in rural China.
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| 5 |
ID:
089970
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the rise of the private sector in rural China, power has been shifting from the hands of local government officials to the hands of entrepreneurs. In this situation, economic theory offers two opposing predictions regarding how local governments will react to the attrition of power: the economic losers hypothesis (local governments will resist change because it threatens their economic rents) and the helping hand hypothesis (incentives of local government are aligned with the change, limiting resistance). We econometrically test the two hypotheses using a nationally representative sample of data on almost 2500 villages in rural China. Our findings provide strong support for the economic losers hypothesis - local governments resist competition that emerges with the rise of private firms using discriminatory regulation. Our findings suggest that entrepreneurial policies that encourage an impartial regulatory environment for different types of enterprises in rural China may have long run efficiency implication for China's economy. However, left on their own, local governments may not have an incentive to promote such reforms.
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