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| 1 |
ID:
133281
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Scottish government's white paper on independence, Scotland's future, sets out its defence blueprint following a 'yes' vote. It makes clear that its defence plans would be subject to a Strategic Defence and Security Review in 2016, as well as negotiation on the division of assets with London. However, it also provides a strong indication of how it envisages its defence posture as an independent state-a major pillar of which is founded upon strong and continued defence cooperation with the rest of the United Kingdom. Is this a realistic assumption? And, if so, how would it work in practice? Contextualized by the increased emphasis on defence cooperation which sits at the heart of NATO's Smart Defence initiative, as well as the European Defence Agency's 'pooling and sharing' programme, the article assesses the benefits and challenges that might be encountered in a defence cooperation agreement between an independent Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom in the event of a 'yes' vote in September's referendum.
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| 2 |
ID:
055275
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| 3 |
ID:
089336
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Russo-Georgian War of 2008 had profoundly negative consequences for European security, which were exacerbated by the inability of the US and Europe, either individually or collectively, to offer any resistance to this aggression. Thus this war and its aftermath showed the effects of incoherent policy-making, enfeebled political will and disunity in the Western alliance. For Washington it also represented a harvest of a misconceived policy towards Georgia that lost control over Georgian policy and may have contributed to Tbilisi's recklessness.
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| 4 |
ID:
007758
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| Publication |
March/April 1995.
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| Description |
38-51
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| 5 |
ID:
100706
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE PEACE AND SECURITY INSTITUTES of Europe have changed a lot during the two post-Cold War decades yet its image of the most peaceful continent with a stable security architecture is a gross overstatement. There is a mounting concern among some of the European countries with the NATO-centered system or, at least, with some of its aspects. NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia was one of such debatable issues; the NATO members procrastinated far too long in ratifying the adjusted CFE Treaty until Russia suspended its implementation of the Treaty. The 2008 armed conflict around South Ossetia just added tension to the far from simple situation.
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| 6 |
ID:
022987
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| Publication |
Sept 2002.
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| Description |
9-14
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| 7 |
ID:
015650
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| Publication |
1992.
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| Description |
8-11
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| 8 |
ID:
134074
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past 30 years, organized crime (OC) has shifted from being an issue of little, or no concern, to being considered one of the key security threats facing the European Union (EU), the economic and political fabric of its society and its citizens. The purpose of this article is to understand how OC has come to be understood as one of the major security threats in the EU, by applying different lenses of Securitization Theory (ST). More specifically, the research question guiding this article is whether applying different ST approaches can lead us to draw differing conclusions as to whether OC has been successfully securitized in the EU. Building on the recent literature that argues that this theoretical framework has branched out into different approaches, this article wishes to contrast two alternative views of how a security problem comes into being, in order to verify whether different approaches can lead to diverging conclusions regarding the same phenomenon. The purpose of this exercise is to contribute to the further development of ST by pointing out that the choice in approach bears direct consequences on reaching a conclusion regarding the successful character of a securitization process. Starting from a reflection on ST, the article proceeds with applying a "linguistic approach" to the case study, which it then contrasts with a "sociological approach". The article proposes that although the application of a "linguistic approach" seems to indicate that OC has become securitized in the EU, it also overlooks a number of elements, which the "sociological approach" renders visible and which lead us to refute the initial conclusion.
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| 9 |
ID:
019685
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| Publication |
July 2001.
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| Description |
509-529
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| 10 |
ID:
015651
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| Publication |
1992.
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| Description |
17-22
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| 11 |
ID:
057923
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| 12 |
ID:
083055
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United States has played an important role in European security since the early 20th century. From the time of the end of the Cold War, this role has changed as a consequence of the lack of a common territorial threat and the overwhelming power of the United States relative to Europe. How have European states responded to the challenges of the American world order? Are they adapting their security policies to match the challenges of US security policy and the American world order? What are the implications of the European response for the transatlantic relationship? This article seeks to describe and explain European security behaviour in the American world through the prism of two realist theories: balance of power realism and balance of threat realism. Despite sharing a common starting point in realist assumptions, each theory allows us to tell a different story about Europe's position in the American world order as well as the opportunities and challenges it faces
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| 13 |
ID:
010776
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| Publication |
April 1996.
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| Description |
146-173
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| 14 |
ID:
010720
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| Publication |
April 1996.
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| Description |
146-173
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| 15 |
ID:
079724
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The threat of pandemic spans beyond traditional security concerns to challenge conventional understandings of urgency, power, the threat-defence dynamics of states and the protection of sovereignty itself. This paper argues that confronting this non-conventional threat in Europe requires not only moving beyond a linear understanding of the proximity of threat across space and time to recognise the global circulation of disease, but also a reconceptualisation of how Europe is understood. In effectively confronting the challenge of infectious disease to the region, Europe needs to be understood less as a territorially bounded space, and more as a dynamic and fluid one, constituting a node within broader interdependent systems of circulation
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| 16 |
ID:
103194
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Three theories that can be usefully employed to analyse the security of the Black Sea region are structural realism, security communities and supranationality (based on the European Union (EU) model). Given that the Black Sea area currently has too many conflicts and rivalries to be a truly cooperative region or a 'security community', we must examine its dynamics in terms of its present realism, especially in the east of the region ('what is'), as well as considering its future ('what could be'). Regionalisation and Europeanisation are both possibilities for the longer term but, for the development of a fully cooperative region, possibly based on the EU model, it is posited that a condition of 'balanced multipolarity' must initially exist. The paper analyses the extent to which this type of polarity applies at the moment and then uses all the theories to outline possible ways forward for the region.
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| 17 |
ID:
133366
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Two years ago, at our NATO Summit in Chicago. NATO leaders endorsed the review of NATO's deterrence and defence posture (D&DP).
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| 18 |
ID:
068699
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| 19 |
ID:
016821
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| Publication |
Feb 1994.
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| Description |
27-30
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| 20 |
ID:
104764
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For decades, European security has been assured by a grand, Anglo-American inspired political and economic project on the continent. Today, there is a risk that the old certainties are unravelling. In a previous RUSI Journal article, Luis Simón and James Rogers warned of the new risks in Europe; now, the authors offer a strategy for Britain to retain its vital place at the crux of an open, liberal European system.
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