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| 2 |
ID:
036157
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| Publication |
London, Institute for Strategic Studies, 1964.
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| Description |
43p.pbk
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| Contents |
Acc. No. 015107 (Include in this Volume) : 1964-1965
Acc. No. 000061 (Include in this Volume) : 1966-1967
Acc. No. 005530 (Include in this Volume) : 1967-1968
Acc. No. 014447 (Include in this Volume) : 1968-1969
Acc. No. 003127 (Include in this Volume) : 1969-1970
Acc. No. 009779 (Include in this Volume) : 1971-1972
Acc. No. 011871 (Include in this Volume) : 1973-1974
Acc. No. 013676 (Include in this Volume) : 1974-1975
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015107 | 355.03/IIS 015107 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 3 |
ID:
141211
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| Summary/Abstract |
This review article assesses two books against the background of the question of whether China and India as emerging economies provide a development ‘alternative’. The double meaning of this refers to, first, their own experience of recent rapid growth and the chances of replicating this development elsewhere. Second, it points to the external development assistance policies of the BRICs towards the global South and their impact on development thinking and practice.
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| 4 |
ID:
111595
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main purpose of this article is to shift the dollar vs Euro debate away from US-EU centrism to perspectives from emerging markets. Drawing on 40 semistructured financial elite interviews in Brazil and China, the key research question studied here is whether the US dollar is malfunctioning as the leading international currency in these parts of the world, and, if so, whether the Euro can be an alternative to the greenback. The results show that the status of the dollar as the main anchor in the monetary system is seriously questioned among financial elites in China and Brazil. As yet, though, the Euro does not represent an alternative to the dollar because of its fiscal and political fragmentations. However, despite these institutional shortcomings, the European currency is seen as an ideational role model for super-sovereign monetary integration out of dollar unipolarity based on consensual negotiations not only on a regional, but also on a global scale.
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| 5 |
ID:
173171
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This paper studies the representations of Africans and African cultures in Hong Kong media and the political, social, and cultural significance in shaping the socioeconomic wellbeing of Africans in the city. With the rising population of Africans in Hong Kong and the evolving nature of Africa-China relations, Africa and its cultures have become more prominent across Hong Kong’s media. Representations of the African continent in Chinese medium newspapers in the city help define the local understanding of African peoples and cultures. By analysing the construction of “African-ness” in these representations, this article shows that African cultures are constantly portrayed in relation to those of Hong Kong. It is by studying the absences and presences of “African-ness” that it can be shown that Africa is often narrated as the subordinate of the local. Significantly, this hierarchical system not only predetermines but also crystalizes the local understanding of Africa.
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| 6 |
ID:
112436
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2012.
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This paper identifies imaginings since the early 1990s to reposition Yunnan from a peripheral province in the PRC to the centre of various regional constructs which involve territories across the PRC's borders, primarily in what are now known as southeast and south Asia. These narratives, which change over time and between actors, are justified using Yunnan's past linkages with territories along the 'southern silk road' and through a naturalized presentation of its geographical location and characteristics, are based on the premise of good neighbourly relations, and are driven by imperatives of development. They find practical expression in provincial engagement with regional institutions, and in infrastructure and other programmes. However, the imaginings to reposition the province which these narratives spell out are at the same time constrained by the demands of territorial integrity and national security: a desire not to compromise Yunnan's national belonging. The paper concludes by commenting on implications for understanding 'China's borderlands' and their global interactions.
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| 7 |
ID:
170745
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| 8 |
ID:
152492
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Through an analysis of popular posts Tibetans shared over the social media application WeChat in 2013 and 2014 and offline discussions about them, this paper shows how Tibetans living in and traveling through Xining City practiced and performed their ethnic identity in the face of perceived harassment. Through their viral posts, they created a cyber-community that contributed to Tibetan ethnic group formation when Tibetans interpreted their ethnic identity as the basis for unjust treatment by the Chinese state and private Han individuals. In online posts the Han are portrayed as harassing Tibetans after terror attacks across China, violating minzu rights, denigrating Tibetan culture and territory, and denying Tibetans equal footing as modern compatriots. Social media are changing the ‘representational politics’ of Tibetan ethnicity, altering participation in the representation of the Tibetan ethnic group. Still, online discourse remains subject to constraints; private offline discussions remain important fora of opinion exchange.
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| 9 |
ID:
159832
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Shortly after a push to promote China's 1950 Marriage Law in 1953, scholars from the Chinese Music Research Institute on a collection trip to a small locality in northern China encountered a large number of folksongs about extramarital affairs. They interpreted this as evidence of the need for marriage reform. The folksong lyrics highlighted controversial aspects of the Marriage Law by espousing one of the law's central tenets – free love – while also expressing women's desires to leave their husbands. In this article, I explore how the researchers placed the song lyrics in a liminal moral-temporal category between “feudal” arranged marriage and the new marriage system before declaring the songs to be relics of the victimization of women in a “feudal” past. I argue that additional light-hearted elements complicate the researchers’ conclusion and suggest that when the promotion of social agendas in the 1940s and 1950s cast songs about illicit affairs as morally ambiguous, Chinese scholars chose to ascribe the songs’ “roots” to other groups or to the “feudal” past of the people they sought to praise and/or transform.
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| 10 |
ID:
021029
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2002.
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| Description |
33-50
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| 11 |
ID:
062696
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| 12 |
ID:
062703
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| 13 |
ID:
063295
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| 14 |
ID:
063899
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| 15 |
ID:
157410
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| Publication |
London, Bantam Books, 2002.
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| Description |
649p.: maps, diagrams, platespbk
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| Standard Number |
9780553815221
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059305 | 910.951/MEN 059305 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
166820
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the historical perspective, despite the China’s claim that Tibet has been a part of China since ancient time1, irrefutable facts abound to demonstrate that Tibet has never been a part of China anywhere in its pre-1949 history2. It is only after the formation of People’s Republic of China (PRC), that China began to assert sovereignty over Tibet. The Communist China has tried to claim Tibet as a part of China under various unsubstantiated grounds. But like most of its concocted propaganda, the nature of their claims kept changing. First, they claimed Tibet as a part of China since 7th century Tibetan Emperor Srongtsan Gampo [Tib: Srong btsan sgampo], when the Tang Princess Wencheng Kungchu became one of the queens of Tibet.
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| 17 |
ID:
117740
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2012.
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This paper attempts to analyse the discussed issues and outcomes of the seventeenth SAARC Summit which took place in the Maldives from 10-11 November 2011 with a special reference to Bangladesh in the context of regional cooperation. Several significant and strategically important agreements were signed during this Summit with the intention to begin a new era of cooperation among the member countries. Therefore, the Summit declaration adopted several treaties like SAARC Agreement on Rapid Response to Natural Disasters, SAARC Seed Bank, SAARC Agreement on Multilateral Arrangement on Recognition of Conformity Assessment, and the SAARC Agreement on Implementation of Regional Standards. The agreements focused on enhancing and facilitating regional transit and connectivity, economic growth, ensuring energy security, combating terrorism and human trafficking and fight climate change. Though the Summit has come up with some promising mutual agreements, its success will depend on their proper and timely implementation. The lack of political will, problem of poor governance, weak economy and disparity, crisis of political leadership, ethnic, socio-cultural and religious divisions, challenges of non-state actors, transnational security challenges are considered to be the major hindrances to the success of regional integration. The South Asian region should develop its own short, medium, and long-term strategies for economic integration where each stage should be implemented effectively before moving on to the next in order to build a sound foundation for progress. The inclusion of China as 'dialogue partner' would help SAARC to make the tangible progress for regional cooperation in South Asia. The new focus on regional integrations is likely to create exciting opportunities for Bangladesh if it can exploit the synergies based on comparative advantages, investment in cross-border infrastructure projects, address challenges in governance, environmental and social developments.
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| 18 |
ID:
127617
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The struggle at the very top of China's political establishment reached its peak on the eve of the 18th Communist Party Congress; this largely predetermined the balance of political forces in the upper echelons of the Communist Party and the decisions of its congress. The compromise about the top figures makes the party's political future very dim indeed. Although the retreating Hu-Wen Tandem managed to hold its ground, it is too early to say that the "reformers" have scored a final victory: in many respects the 18th Congress proved to be "transitional."
The final balance of power will become clear in five years' time after the next, 19th CPC Congress. It will probably clarify the course of the "fifth generation" of the country's leaders. It seems that the next five years can be best described as time of compromises. One has to admit that the criticized Hu-Wen Tandem left the country in fairly good shape; it compiled a reasonable "roadmap" with no alternative on the horizon.
It remains to be seen whether the new party and country leaders will manage in the next five years to avert social upheavals and fulfill the tasks formulated by the 18th Congress while following the roadmap.
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| 19 |
ID:
095206
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 18th International Academic Conference "China, Chinese Civilization and the World: History, the Present, Prospects" was held in Moscow at the RAS Presidium and the Institute for Far Eastern Studies. It was timed to two major historical events: the 60th anniversary of the formation of the PRC and the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the U.S.S.R./RF and the PRC.
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| 20 |
ID:
122567
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2013.
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| Description |
xiv, 341p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788182747241
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057377 | 324.251075/RAN 057377 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 057557 | 324.251075/RAN 057557 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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