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| 1 |
ID:
102291
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| 2 |
ID:
022548
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| Publication |
March 2002.
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| Description |
19-38
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| 3 |
ID:
084229
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the visualisation and narrative construction of the India-Pakistan border, and human interactions across that liminal space, as depicted in two films directed by J.P. Dutta, the high-profile, multiple award-winning war film Border (1997) and his subsequent feature Refugee (2000), which was more loosely described in its publicity literature as 'a human story'. 1 Through these films, Dutta established his reputation as the leading Indian director of the 'war film', a genre marked by its relative absence in the Indian cinema prior to the 1990s. Both Border and Refugee thus constitute part of what has retrospectively been described as Dutta's 'war trilogy' (along with the more recent LOC Kargil of 2003, which focuses on the 1999 Himalayan conflict). 2 In the first two films of the set, which I will consider here, the border in question is not the Line-of-Control (LOC) that divides Kashmir, but rather the southern portion of the long border with Pakistan that runs from the southern bank of the Sutlej River across the Thar Desert to the Arabian Sea. Refugee, moreover, is not a war film in the accepted sense, and I will make the argument that it is not so much the martial posturing which constructs the thematic inter-relation of the two films considered here but rather their attempts to naturalise the abstract barrier created by the Radcliffe Line in the west.
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| 4 |
ID:
091135
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On the eve of elections in Srinagar, three important statements have been made and these need an examination in public interest: "we appeal the people of Srinagar to remain away from the election drama as a gratitude to the lakhs of Kashmiris who sacrified their lives for resolution of Kashmir dispute according to their aspirations."
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| 5 |
ID:
104659
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| 6 |
ID:
109400
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| 7 |
ID:
120744
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| 8 |
ID:
109175
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| 9 |
ID:
041309
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| Publication |
London, Arms and Armour Press, 1985.
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| Description |
265p.
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| Standard Number |
085368751X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 027734 | 358.41409/NOR 027734 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
003679
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| Publication |
London, Arms and Armour Press, 1985.
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| Description |
265p.,ill
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| Standard Number |
085368751X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030490 | 358.41409/NOR 030490 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
118294
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| 12 |
ID:
104514
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| 13 |
ID:
146038
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| Summary/Abstract |
This analysis offers an alternative examination of American interest in India in the mid-1940s and situates the early American attitude to Kashmir into that matrix. The two years from 1945 to 1947, those of the emergence of decolonisation and the Cold War, critically influenced America’s attitude first towards India and then towards Kashmir. It has been commonplace to describe America’s early understanding of the Kashmir conflict as an issue unconnected with the Cold War until 1952–1954. Even those works, which argue for an early presence of an “east-west lens” in the American consciousness, begin from either the Communist triumph in China or the outbreak of the Korean War. This analysis, instead, shows how soon, how much, and how comprehensively various sections of American government looked at Kashmir through an international prism.
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| 14 |
ID:
120396
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper considers the case of Kashmir to examine the relation between the people of the contested land (Indian-occupied Kashmir) and one of the nation states claiming it (India, in this case) in a game-theoretic framework. The motivation for this paper was whether it was possible to rationalize the lack of democratic space in Kashmir, relative to other states in India (especially since the founding fathers of the country had announced such democratic practices to be the guiding principles of the new nation) and at the same time, a highly rigid stance of the Indian Government on the Kashmir issue. An otherwise standard political economic model is used to capture how the way in which citizens determine their allegiance to one or the other nation state (India or Pakistan) can, in turn, affect the nation state's (India's) policies towards the contested land. I conclude that if the Indian Government perceives allegiance of the citizens to be determined primarily by partisan preferences of the citizens, not so much by their preferences for policies, then the government rationally concentrates on minimizing its disutility due to deviations from its 'most-favorite' policy. This understanding rationalizes the policies of the Indian Government towards Kashmir. More importantly, it points towards areas that need consideration for any peace-making process to take-off.
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| 15 |
ID:
064100
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| 16 |
ID:
188850
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is an exploratory study of social, political, economic, governance, and militancy-related trends in the Kashmir region after the abrogation of Article 370 (5 August 2019), i.e., Jammu and Kashmir’s special status, and based on that, makes a strategic forecast about the overall security situation in Kashmir. However, the period of two years and ten months is not sufficient to undertake a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the impact of abrogating Article 370 in the aforementioned domains; hence this article limits its scope to an analytical review of the developments in the last two-and-a-half years.
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| 17 |
ID:
064331
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| 18 |
ID:
110674
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| 19 |
ID:
102294
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| 20 |
ID:
101030
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Analysed here is the vexing Kashmir issue from various angles - firstly with regard to the lingering potential for nuclear conflict between India, Pakistan and possibly china and secondly in view of the growing socio - political alienations and divisions within both Indian and Pakistani societies, which risk disintegration as a result. The author also notes the rise of BRIC nations in the new multipolar system and places the Kashmir dispute in the context of the conflict between radicalized Muslims and people of other faiths as an aspect of the reassertion of rival culture and religious identities worldwide. Finally if India and Pakistan connot rise above their quarrel by symbiotically investing in their mutual stability, they will allow Western nation and China to dictate on outcome.
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