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ID:
121214
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Canada's minister of state for the Americas and consular affairs, Diane
Ablonczy, opened the December 2011 ministerial dialogue on the Americas
with the questions, "How is Canada doing in the Americas? How can we
do better?"1
The contributions to this special issue of International Journal
propose to frame some answers to these questions.
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| 2 |
ID:
121216
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 1940 the Americas have been fairly peaceful compared to other regions
of the world. Although Central America was racked by extremely violent civil
wars during the 1980s, over the past few decades the region as a whole has
not experienced many military con?icts between states. Barely a handful of
the various territorial disputes, past or present, have led to open warfare. The
last signi?cant episode, the 1995 war between Peru and Ecuador, lasted no
more than a week. Yet this relative tranquillity must not obscure the fact that
over the years, the regional security agenda has undergone major changes.
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| 3 |
ID:
068758
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| 4 |
ID:
083170
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2008.
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| Description |
ix, 251p.
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| Standard Number |
9780521705837
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 053813 | 327.1/NOE 053813 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
139576
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| Summary/Abstract |
The debate on the reform of the Security Council can be conceptualised as the most recent episode in the evolution of World Governing Councils (WGCs), that is, the highest-level intergovernmental bodies charged with regulating the international use of violence. Building on a historical comparison of key formative and transformative moments – 1815, 1919, 1945, and post-Cold War – we argue that the modern evolution of WGCs is characterised by increasing inclusiveness. More specifically, we show that the number of participants involved in deliberations has constantly risen; that legitimating principles have gradually tilted in favour of ‘input legitimacy’; that the constitutive rules and procedures have steadily gained in transparency; and that the WGCs themselves have comprised an expanding membership with a decreasing number of veto points. At the theoretical level, these converging trends can be explained by the existence of a ‘ratchet effect’ whereby new norms and practices of inclusion accumulate over time. However concrete and long lasting, the democratic gains registered in the process must be cast in terms of historically specific politics and struggles rather than in terms of lofty ideals promoted by altruistic norm entrepreneurs.
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| 6 |
ID:
092876
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article shows that the idea of global democracy has been a driving force in UN discourse and policies for the past two decades. In the first part, we use official rhetoric to explain that the promotion of global democracy by the UN rests on a particular set of values and beliefs. In an analysis that parallels the interpretation proposed by cosmopolitan democratic theorists, UN leaders argue that international governance must be democratized in order to reflect the recent reconfiguration of political forces. We then examine how UN ideas are put into practice through global public policies. Structured in line with the distinction between input- and output-based legitimacy, this second part demonstrates how UN policies foster greater participation by non-state actors in the organization's deliberations and operations. The article suggests that the UN is an effective intellectual actor. By promoting civil society's greater involvement in world politics, the discourse and policies of the UN have indeed succeeded in advancing the idea of a democracy 'without borders'
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