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| 1 |
ID:
144914
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article probes the intersection of spatial, caste, and gender axes of power in shaping contemporary inequalities in Kerala, through mixed-method research in an urban slum. Relying largely on qualitative data, it constructs a history of work in the slum for lower caste men and women against the backdrop of Kerala politics from the 1940s until the present. It examines the role of widening gender gaps, the persistence of secularized caste, and flagging working-class politics and discourse in shaping contemporary socioeconomic exclusion in urban areas.
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| 2 |
ID:
069116
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| 3 |
ID:
106930
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the nature, background, and evolution of the "Camp David consensus." Under this consensus, Egyptian intellectuals and political movements broadly accept that the Egyptian regime must deal constructively and "correctly" with Israel as a state, but insist that society has the right and responsibility to resist Zionism. The consensus rests on particular ways of understanding Israel, and the nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict, that can be traced back to the formative years of the Egyptian republic under Nasser. This has served the interests of both regimes and opposition movements and in this sense represents a "double instrumentalization" of foreign policy. The paper, which examines a range of regime and intellectual pronouncements during the Nasser and Sadat periods, as well as more recently, challenges the growing use within International Relations, particularly in the Middle East context, of the concept of "identity" to explain state behavior.
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| 4 |
ID:
151230
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most workers in Latin America have jobs that are off the books, without benefits or middle-class status. Innovative programs are seeking to redress that. Fifth in a series on labor relations around the world.
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| 5 |
ID:
171884
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For more than three decades the goal of becoming “the factory of the world” has been at the core of China’s development strategy. This strategy, in combination with high rates of domestic investment and low rates of consumption, has made Chinese production the most manufacturing intensive in the world. But as its wages have risen, China’s competitiveness in the most labor-intensive manufacturing industries has eroded. Its ability to assemble products remains a major source of its exports, but it has also tried to shift toward more sophisticated value-added production domestically. Chinese domestic spending has shifted away from investment toward consumption as citizens’ income has grown. Like Americans, Chinese are also spending more on services than on manufactured goods. All of these changes are fundamentally altering the structure of China’s production, reducing the role of manufacturing and increasing the skill levels of workers in manufacturing. This paper reviews the challenges posed by these developments for China’s long-term goal of achieving more inclusive growth. It presents evidence that the commonly held perceptions that Chinese manufacturing employment growth is robust are wrong. In fact, such growth has peaked and China is now following a pattern of structural change that is typical of a more mature emerging economy, in which the share of employment in manufacturing declines as workers are increasingly employed in services.
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| 6 |
ID:
131524
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, there has been renewed public discussion regarding the relationship between women's equality and their traditional responsibility for carework. In this essay, we analyze the structures of choice and constraint that continue to produce the gender division of family labor and thus women's unequal participation in the public sphere. We conceptualize this as a problem of democratic freedom, one that requires building institutional pathways to sustain women's participation. Drawing on Nancy Hirschmann's arguments about processes of social construction and their relation to freedom, we argue that gender inequality in the public sphere means that women are unfree, in the sense that they are not participating as peers in the material and discursive processes of social construction that then help to shape their own desires and decisions. We use that framework to analyze the current landscape in which different subgroups of women make decisions about paid labor and care work. Our goal is to bring into view the way the social construction of desire interacts with the material context to underwrite inequality between women and men and across different groups of women. Gender equality and the project of democracy require participatory parity between women and men in the public sphere. We therefore turn in our last section to an effort to imagine how public policies could construct pathways that can help interrupt and undo the gender division of labor, and thus better support democratic freedom.
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| 7 |
ID:
101284
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2010.
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This article draws on archival records of events in California's Imperial Valley in 1940 that resulted in the arrests and deportation of a group of Mexican workers, some of whom were known union activists. The workers had entered the country lawfully and had lived in the United States for years. These immigrants were nevertheless vulnerable because they were receiving treatment for a communicable disease. This, according to immigration officials, rendered them "likely to become a public charge" (LPC), a deportable offense. Officially designating Mexicans as LPCs discredited them at the same time that it circumvented any discussion of possible violation of labor rights or civil rights, both key aspects of government-sponsored reform efforts underway at the time. Constructions of subjects as illegal, diseased, and threats to the nation-state came together in such a way that provided a surefire formula for marking Mexicans as deportable.
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| 8 |
ID:
187548
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Did the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran empower or weaken workers? Scholars have mainly studied how regime consolidation between 1979 and 1983 weakened labor organizations. By contrast, I argue that the Iran-Iraq war (1980–88) empowered workers by compelling state actors to incorporate segments of the industrial workforce vertically into the state. Corporatism – the hierarchical integration of the state and organized groups representative of industrial labor – expanded workers’ associational bargaining power in post-revolutionary Iran. Triangulating between official and non-state archival sources, I propose three mechanisms leading to corporatist development in war-time Iran. First, inter-party and factional competition pushed state elites to accept revolutionary work councils as legitimate institutions. Second, war and international isolation forced managers, bureaucrats, and the military to support work councils in order to increase productivity and recruit worker-soldiers. Third, by asserting control over an expanding bureaucracy in charge of war mobilization, labor leaders were able to create a more autonomous organization, called the Workers’ House. In the MENA, corporatism is usually associated with authoritarian consolidation. By contrast, corporatist development in Iran led to industrial workers’ political inclusion. Corporatism in the Islamic Republic arguably improved labor rights, increased workers’ influence in policy-making, and helped broaden and institutionalize competition between political elites.
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| 9 |
ID:
187176
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The pandemic has brought major disruptions to cities, particularly in patterns of work and transportation. Predictions of the death of downtowns may have been premature, but urban planners are rethinking the traditional central business district, transit systems, public spaces, and other key features of city life as many office workers remain slow to return to old routines. As they face the prospect of lower tax revenues, governments will have a major role to play in helping cities adapt and stay vibrant.
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| 10 |
ID:
097452
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| 11 |
ID:
106650
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2011.
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Drawing on the relevant literature, this article explores key debates and controversies on child labour in the context of Africa and Asia. It first identifies and analyses three dominant discourses on child labour: 1) the work-free childhoods perspective; 2) the socio-cultural perspective; and 3) the political economy perspective. Against the backdrop of these discourses, the article goes on to critically examine aspects of child labour that are underrepresented in the literature and in international policy circles. It concludes by highlighting the importance of grounding children's gendered work within the complex material social practices of interconnected histories and geographies in which their livelihoods unfold.
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| 12 |
ID:
152353
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I detail the British imperial system of human resource mobilization that recruited workers and peasants from Egypt to serve in the Egyptian Labor Corps in World War I (1914–18). By reconstructing multiple iterations of this network and analyzing the ways that workers and peasants acted within its constraints, this article provides a case study in the relationship between the Anglo-Egyptian colonial state and rural society in Egypt. Rather than seeing these as two separate, autonomous, and mutually antagonistic entities, this history of Egyptian Labor Corps recruitment demonstrates their mutual interdependence, emphasizing the dialectical relationship between state power and political subjectivity.
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| 13 |
ID:
105833
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| 14 |
ID:
134383
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| Summary/Abstract |
To make global governance intelligible, we need to study a neglected abut crucial phenomenon namely the development of the social division of labor, both in transnational society and more specifically with regard to the fields of politics, law and economics. This nation of a social division of labor has to be distinguished from the mere technical division of labor. The process in question is not merely one of differentiation in an ever more complex world, nor does it take place in a relative power vacuum.
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| 15 |
ID:
096640
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Holocaust awareness has become a worldwide phenomenon, and an international free republic of Holocaust researchers has emerged. Among long-term trends in the field of Holocaust studies are the universalization of victimhood and the extension of the circle of perpetrators. Present trends include Holocaust history as local history, the integration of perpetrator and victim histories, and the explanation of perpetrator behavior in ideological terms. Anticipated future developments include greater discussion of the outlawing of Holocaust denial, and the return of the explanation of perpetrator behavior in terms of disposition. The term genocide has come to be used too often. It is not only used a shield, but also as a sword in new quests for utopia.
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| 16 |
ID:
146984
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| Summary/Abstract |
A dearth of information is available on workingwomen in the Middle East during the 19th and first half of the 20th century. This gap is compounded by the male biases of the official reporters, journalists, unionists, labor activists, and scholars who produced the information that does exist. Nevertheless, it is possible to write a gendered history of labor on the basis of less-than-ideal sources, which can be enriched by the use of oral history, popular literature, autobiographies, and even fieldwork focused on women's and men's family relations and work patterns.
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| 17 |
ID:
157935
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| Summary/Abstract |
International institutions, including the transnational advocacy network for labor and workers' issues, can influence labor institutions during transitions to and from democracy. Through rhetorical and material support, these institutions can shape labor's relationship to the state. This article addresses the activities of “global labor” in the recent transitions in Tunisia and Egypt, arguing that divergent strategies shaped incentives, expectations, and outcomes among workers and labor unions in each country.
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| 18 |
ID:
090896
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While other theorists have turned to Arendt's analysis of statelessness and superfluity to consider questions of immigration, "illegality," and the status of noncitizens, this essay argues that Arendt's account of labor and her nonconsequentialist account of action offer a richer optic for considering the undocumented in the United States. To explore this claim, this essay constructs an alternate account of the nationwide demonstrations for immigrant rights that occurred in 2006. Rather than defining "success" in terms of replicability or immediate legislative results, the author's analysis of the 2006 protests emphasizes the significance of noncitizens laying claim to the public realm. Considering Michael Warner's concept of counterpublics, the author argues that the demonstrations can be best understood as a moment of initiation and an inaugural performance of the political. Rereading Arendt's notion of animal laborans, the essay concludes by exploring the limitations of noncitizens invoking labor as a way to gain civic standing.
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| 19 |
ID:
108239
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article draws on research by the authors, especially in Latin America and Asia, to give concrete sociological meaning to the processes of globalization of governing expertise. The article relates professional competition, competing discourses of universals, and imperial competition to the reproduction of state elites and the construction of fields of state and transnational power. The three parts of the discussion in the article involve first, the complexity of the North-South dimension in the import and export of governing expertise; second, the perennial role of imperial processes involving cosmopolitan elites acting as double agents; and third, the role of particular state elites as gatekeepers facilitating and moderating the imperial processes.
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| 20 |
ID:
170982
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| Summary/Abstract |
In contrast to the workers who organize strikes in the West, Chinese workers lack support from official unions and have to rely on informal ways to strike. The previous literature suggests that worker-leaders have played a role in initiating wildcat strikes, and the engagement of labor NGOs has also facilitated grassroots activism. The focus of previous studies has been on the emergence, approaches, and strategies of the actors involved in different labor protests. However, we still know little about the direct or unintended consequences of the numerous strikes in South China. Based on fieldwork in the Pearl River Delta, this article explores how the informal strike organization built by workers, namely the "worker representative mechanism," contributes to favorable outcomes for labor. By conducting a comparative case study, this article identifies two important factors that have impacted strike outcomes: how this mechanism builds up a wider representation when the union is absent and how it sustains its core leadership for successive strikes and accomplishment of strike goals. By examining how workers build the representative mechanism that, in practice, acts as an informal strike organization, this article illustrates an alternative pattern of organization in strikes that bypasses trade unions and discusses its influences on emerging Chinese labor activism.
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