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| 1 |
ID:
168483
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| Summary/Abstract |
Confusion between the idea of development as purposeful intervention and development as outcome has been addressed by efforts to distinguish ‘intentional’ from ‘immanent’ development, and the distinction between ‘big D’ development as Western post- World War Two modernisation in the Global South, and ‘little d’ as the creation of winners and losers within unfolding capitalist change. As a heuristic device this distinction has been put to a variety of uses within development studies, but it has rarely been subjected to further scrutiny. This paper asks (1) whether the distinction remains coherent or risks being stretched too far, and (2) whether it remains relevant within the changing landscape of twenty-first century development. It first traces the historical evolution of the distinction, and then presents an exploratory case study of Bangladesh’s garment sector in order to analyse the relationship between the two kinds of development empirically, identifying a number of contradictions and ambiguities. It finds that while the ‘D/d’ distinction remains useful at a general level, further conceptualisation is now needed, and its relevance may fade as the significance of Western aid declines.
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| 2 |
ID:
161958
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| 3 |
ID:
117740
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper attempts to analyse the discussed issues and outcomes of the seventeenth SAARC Summit which took place in the Maldives from 10-11 November 2011 with a special reference to Bangladesh in the context of regional cooperation. Several significant and strategically important agreements were signed during this Summit with the intention to begin a new era of cooperation among the member countries. Therefore, the Summit declaration adopted several treaties like SAARC Agreement on Rapid Response to Natural Disasters, SAARC Seed Bank, SAARC Agreement on Multilateral Arrangement on Recognition of Conformity Assessment, and the SAARC Agreement on Implementation of Regional Standards. The agreements focused on enhancing and facilitating regional transit and connectivity, economic growth, ensuring energy security, combating terrorism and human trafficking and fight climate change. Though the Summit has come up with some promising mutual agreements, its success will depend on their proper and timely implementation. The lack of political will, problem of poor governance, weak economy and disparity, crisis of political leadership, ethnic, socio-cultural and religious divisions, challenges of non-state actors, transnational security challenges are considered to be the major hindrances to the success of regional integration. The South Asian region should develop its own short, medium, and long-term strategies for economic integration where each stage should be implemented effectively before moving on to the next in order to build a sound foundation for progress. The inclusion of China as 'dialogue partner' would help SAARC to make the tangible progress for regional cooperation in South Asia. The new focus on regional integrations is likely to create exciting opportunities for Bangladesh if it can exploit the synergies based on comparative advantages, investment in cross-border infrastructure projects, address challenges in governance, environmental and social developments.
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| 4 |
ID:
110175
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| 5 |
ID:
137965
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| Publication |
Ranikhet, Permanent Black, 2015.
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| Description |
358p.Pbk
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| Standard Number |
9788178244518
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058193 | 954.92/RAG 058193 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
110334
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| 7 |
ID:
113379
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since its inception in 1945, the United Nations (UN) has been playing a pivotal role in restoring peace and maintaining security by taking several measures. One of the regular UN activities is to arrange the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) intending to gather all the Heads of States and Governments to discuss multiple challenging issues faced by the member states nationally and globally. As the continuation of the UN action, the 66th UNGA held in September 2011 came up with several pertinent issues like climate change, global recession, food crisis, nuclear safety and terrorism. Bangladesh's Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina also attended the 66th UNGA and proposed a six-point multi-dimensional peace model addressing a number of national and global vulnerabilities including poverty and hunger, inequality, climate change and terrorism. It is in this context that the paper tries to focus on the issues discussed in the 66th UNGA and give an assessment regarding the steps taken by the assembly considering its existing limitations. Concurrently, the paper takes an attempt to analyse the role of Bangladesh as a developing country in the 66th UNGA session. The paper argues that through arranging UNGA for more than 60 years, the UN still tries to provide a unique venue for the member countries to discuss complex national and global issues and solve international disputes. More importantly, it is a common platform for small countries like Bangladesh to raise their voice, place their demands and to work together against the common global challenges.
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| 8 |
ID:
091957
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Liberation War of Bangladesh was seen by the Indian policy makers as a prime time to dismember Pakistan. By the creation of Bangladesh, they pondered: (a) the political enemy on both its borders would be replaced by a far weaker enemy on one side and a friend on the other; (b) secularism would be regarded as a dominant ideology for the developing countries; (c) India would emerge as an Asian superpower; (d) India would establish a subservient government in Bangladesh; (e) Bangladesh would be an extension of the Indian market; (f) India would materialize the Nehruvian vision of the Greater Indian Union.
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| 9 |
ID:
115287
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses how the wombs of women and the absent skin on the circumcised penises of men become the predominant sites on which racialized and gendered discourses operating during the Bangladesh War are inscribed. This is explored by examining instances of sexual violence by Pakistani soldiers and their local Bengali collaborators. The prevalence of these discourses in colonial documents about the Bengali Muslims underscores the role of history, the politics of identity and in the process, establishes its link with the rapes of Bangladeshi women and men. Through this, the relationship between sexual violence and historical contexts is highlighted. I locate the accounts of male violations by the West Pakistani army within the historical and colonial discourses relating to the construction of the Bengali Muslim and its intertextual, contemporary citational references in photographs and interviews.
I draw on Judith Butler's and Marilyn Strathern's work on gendering and performativity to address the citational role of various practices of discourses of gender and race within colonial documents and its application in a newer context of colonization and sexual violence of women and men during wars. The role of photographs and image-making is intrinsic to these practices. The open semiotic of the photographs allows an exploration of the territorial identities within these images and leads to traces of the silence relating to male violations. Through an examination of the silence surrounding male sexual violence vis-à-vis the emphasis on the rape of women in independent Bangladesh, it is argued that these racialized and gendered discourses are intricately associated to the link between sexuality and the state in relation to masculinity.
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| 10 |
ID:
182858
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| Summary/Abstract |
The cost of medicines in Bangladesh is among the lowest in the world. Over the last forty years, Bangladesh, a Least Developed Country (LDC), has nurtured a local industry based on strong industrial policy and a pharmaceutical patent-free system. Of the 46 LDCs in the world, it is the only one to have a thriving industry of this kind. In this paper, we explore how a relatively poor LDC managed to take on the dominance of MNCs in the global production of pharmaceuticals. We focus on the 1982 National Drug Policy (NDP) which transformed the pharmaceutical sector in Bangladesh from one in which three-quarters of drugs were supplied by just eight MNCs to one where almost all domestic demand is met by local industry. The thriving local pharmaceutical industry also exports generic medicines to 147 different countries. In 2026, Bangladesh is due to graduate to ‘Developing Country’ status, at which time, as a member of the WTO, Bangladesh will have to abide by the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement. Under TRIPS it will have to change its patent regime to allow for the registration of pharmaceutical patents by 2029. Using interview data with key Bangladeshi experts, we argue that TRIPS compliance could potentially wipe out this flourishing local pharmaceutical industry, leading to steep increases in the cost of essential medicines, with dire implications for the right to health. We explore policy options open to the Bangladesh government to protect affordable drugs in the country, in particular protection for the production of domestic generics in a post-TRIPS environment. We also argue that there are ways in which Bangladesh and India could co-operate to protect the affordability of high-quality medicines for domestic and international markets.
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| 11 |
ID:
051961
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| Publication |
Jul-Dec 2003.
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| 12 |
ID:
094616
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| Publication |
London, Earthscan, 2009.
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| Description |
xxvi, 397p.
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| Standard Number |
9781844077458
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054865 | 363.61/BIC 054865 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
141776
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| Summary/Abstract |
Climate change poses a serious threat to humanity in developed and developing countries and is already affecting South Asia. This study examines the role that good governance plays for adapting to climate change in Bangladesh, arguing that lack of good governance in Bangladesh risks reducing adaptation preparedness to climate change in the country. There is evidence, mainly because of geophysical risk factors, to support arguments that good governance has anyway limited capacity in relation to adaptation measures to climate change in countries like Bangladesh. The article argues that the current politico-economic situation makes it doubtful whether Bangladesh will achieve the fullest possible ability to ensure good governance for better adaptation to climate change in the near future.
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| 14 |
ID:
133202
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To ensure our success as nation, we need to turn our attention to the country soul since the vast subcontinent was divided, and than some 20 odd years later sub-divided once again, Pakistanis have plenty to ponder.
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| 15 |
ID:
159765
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper aims to address the emergence of parallel yet contradictory social movements in Bangladesh and explore the following question: what political factors in Bangladesh led to the emergence of these parallel movements? Unlike what social movements discourse has addressed, Bangladesh has seen the rise of two powerful and binary camps. To understand the growth of such conflicting movements, this paper hypothesizes that the framing of identity and ideology by the movement participants and the media have engendered the concurrent yet conflicting movements in Bangladesh. The paper focuses on how framing strategies led to ideological polarization between these movements.
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| 16 |
ID:
041309
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| Publication |
London, Arms and Armour Press, 1985.
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| Description |
265p.
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| Standard Number |
085368751X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 027734 | 358.41409/NOR 027734 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
003679
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| Publication |
London, Arms and Armour Press, 1985.
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| Description |
265p.,ill
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| Standard Number |
085368751X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030490 | 358.41409/NOR 030490 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
181127
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| Summary/Abstract |
The authority of political leaders in Bangladesh rests on diverse qualities, not least of which are the muscle and finance they can mobilize, and the relationships they can craft with senior party members. These are utilized to confront rivals both within and outside their own party. In some instances, the intensity of intra-party competition can be so severe that a further quality emerges: the capacity to find allies among enemies. Building local inter-party alliances can bolster the authority of politicians, yet be to the detriment of party coherence. This argument is developed through an analysis of mayoral and parliamentary elections held in the past decade in a small Bangladeshi city, where a ruling party member of parliament (MP) and opposition mayor appear to have developed such a relationship. This has thwarted the electoral ambitions of their fellow party members and has posed a serious challenge to party discipline. While political competition is often seen as being either inter- or intra-party, here it is focused around inter-party alliances. This portrayal suggests we need to give greater emphasis to the decentralized and local character that political authority can take in Bangladesh.
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| 19 |
ID:
141365
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and Bangladesh have made significant progress on several matters, all of which certainly merit applause. However, more interesting is the progress made on sub-regional cooperation in the region. The bilateral connectivity will, no doubt, expand in the region, with other states like Nepal and Bhutan benefitting from the access to two Bangladeshi ports as well as trade through the Indian corridor. Matters of water sharing, trade and commerce, including energy, will soon go much beyond the bilateral prism. The recent motor vehicle agreement signed between Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal is just a first but critical step towards a sub regional initiative that has gathered momentum amongst the South Asian neighbours. Certainly bilateral matters will continue to dominate and be seen as more critical between any two neighbours. The sub-regional cooperation process will ensure that incentives to find resolutions to certain outstanding bilateral matters will assume greater salience.
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| 20 |
ID:
139661
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