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ID:
174327
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| Summary/Abstract |
As a double-edged sword, higher education has emerged for China as a fulcrum of its geo-intellect as well as a statecraft instrument. Geo-intellect connotes the expansion of a country’s frontiers of higher education and research in different geographies, which in China’s case is a subset of its global power project. As a form of statecraft, on the other hand, higher education is a channel for advancing national interests whether related to public diplomacy or specific geopolitical and geo-economic goals. South Asia is no exception to China’s outreach in the realm of higher education through which Beijing seeks to accomplish its statecraft mission. Against this background, this analysis delineates China’s explicit and implicit goals and interests in Nepal, a South Asian country, by employing the Educational Soft Power Model.
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| 2 |
ID:
119394
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| 3 |
ID:
141505
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| Summary/Abstract |
Environmental integrity can be a critical factor for political stability. China, the world's second largest economy and largest manufacturing nation, is a fit case for such investigation. China achieved an annual average GDP growth rate of 9.7% between 1979 and 2009, and 10.5% per year between 2001 and 2010. The impressive growth, however, brought in its trail environmental degradation, especially pollution, which spawned respiratory diseases and threatened life expectancy, apart from forming “cancer villages.” This paper examines and evaluates the criticality and magnitude of the political implications of environmental pollution for the Chinese Community Party (CCP) by taking mass protests and dilemmatic issues into account, as well as offering a critique of the CCP's green growth strategy. The paper concludes that in the activism-social-media-charged atmosphere, trust building between state and society is essential, especially by launching proactive crackdown on pollution and communicating the genuineness of anti-pollution efforts to the public.
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| 4 |
ID:
069865
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| 5 |
ID:
131597
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The year 2013 witnessed momentous developments in the outside world which impinged on India's national interest in several ways. The UPA, leading the central government, is struggling hard to review the national
priorities at the fag end of its second term. Addressing the fifth annual conclave of Indian mission heads in New Delhi in November 2013, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh stated that the UPA government had sought to bring about a "fundamental reset" in lndia's foreign policy based on lndia's national priorities and its role and destiny in world affairs. He stipulated the following five de?ning principles of the country's foreign
policy.
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| 6 |
ID:
173180
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| Summary/Abstract |
In just over six years, China’s Belt and Road Initiative has swiftly expanded to vast swaths of the globe, with as many as 138 countries signing on. In 2017, President Xi Jinping’s signature project was incorporated into the Chinese constitution, assuming extraordinary significance as the “project of the century.” China has couched the program in multilateral terms, with a promise of shared benefits through road and maritime connectivity projects, reviving the ancient Silk Road and revivifying the spirit of commercial, cultural and academic exchange. Cooperation among member countries is envisaged in policy coordination, facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration, and people-to-people bonds. However, an active debate has ensued surrounding China’s motivations and the initiative’s potential outcomes for the host countries. Against this backdrop, I examine the economic implications for host countries and regions, using a geo-economic analytical framework.
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| 7 |
ID:
193047
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As primary drivers of global growth, China and India as Asian giants are on the path to reforming their higher education systems to drive innovation. This paper based on both primary and secondary data sources investigates how India’s democratic political leadership has facilitated higher education reform for fostering innovation while underlining key differences in the policy approach of the Chinese leadership. Findings identify the areas of reform for India and also reveal that epistemic boundaries between India and China are beginning to blur so far as right-wing ideological regimentation is concerned, with possible implications for innovation.
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| 8 |
ID:
080085
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