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| 1 |
ID:
072619
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 1979, when Mainland China began to open up its economy, a process of economic integration has been going on between Hong Kong and Mainland China. The return of Hong Kong to Mainland China in 1997 speeded up the integration process. China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of 2001 further intensified the integration process. In June 2003, CEPA (Closer Economic Participation Arrangement) was signed between Mainland China and Hong Kong, which set a further important milestone in the economic integration between them. In June 2004, the concept of regional economic integration was inaugurated in the Pan-Pearl River Delta Regional Cooperation and Development Forum. This article attempts to review the economic integration process after the signing of CEPA. Issues related to the implementation of CEPA are also examined and discussed. It is hoped that both the Hong Kong business sector and potential foreign investors can have a comprehensive picture of CEPA so that they can design appropriate actions to benefit most from CEPA.
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| 2 |
ID:
085957
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China was a latecomer to the preferential trading bandwagon that has swept East Asia in the years since the financial crises. The Chinese government was unwilling to go down the path of negotiating bilateral and minilateral agreements until the terms of its accession to the World Trade Organization were finalized. Since then, it has become one of the most active participants in the negotiation of preferential trading arrangements, currently being engaged in negotiations with more than 20 countries. The paper will address the following questions about China's move to preferential trade: (a) What forces are driving China's approach to the negotiation of preferential trade agreements? (b) To what extent is it possible to untangle economic and political motivations in China's choice of partners for PTA negotiations? And, which economic interests are being pursued most aggressively? (c) How are conflicting domestic interests reconciled in the policy-making process? (d) To what extent will the new PTAs facilitate Chinese-dominated production networks in the regions? (e) What overall impact will the PTAs have on the Chinese economy?
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| 3 |
ID:
070522
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| 4 |
ID:
151130
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and Japan share a common goal of preserving stability of the seas. India- Japan partnership assumes more significance in the backdrop of rising concerns on policy issues under Donald Trump’s Presidency in the USA. USA has already withdrawn from Trans-Pacific partnership Agreement. In the eventuality of USA pulling out of Asia, India and Japan have to engage further to deal with the emerging regional scenario. Without the ‘pivot of Asia’, India and Japan have to revisit their respective regional policies.
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| 5 |
ID:
138021
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| 6 |
ID:
116143
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| 7 |
ID:
116024
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| 8 |
ID:
138372
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| Summary/Abstract |
India is making a determined bid to secure its sphere of influence in South Asia and Indian Ocean to counter the growing role of China in the region. This is the biggest challenge on the economic diplomacy front for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who, rightly, believes that having a good neighbourhood is a universal aspiration. Nowhere is this more evident than in South Asia, which has more the half the world’s poor and one-fourths of its population.
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| 9 |
ID:
138365
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Over the last two decades and more, the world has had witnessed rapid expansion of global trade and reduction in tariff rates both through the multilateral arrangements under the WTO as well as various types of trade cooperation agreements including RTAs. And India as an emerging giant and an efficient economic diplomat meanwhile placed itself as a key player in expanding world trade as well as reducing the tariff rates that so far distorted the world affairs. Eventually she is increasingly becoming a harsh critic of developed countries which still are resorting to the use of non-tariff measures (NTMs) to protect their domestic home and industry.
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| 10 |
ID:
140639
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| Summary/Abstract |
Last year will be remembered as a year of protests in the Chinese-speaking world. They ranged from frequently occurring smaller incidents in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and rare protests in Singapore and Macao to large-scale movements in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Early in 2014, the world was surprised by the occupation of Taiwan’s national legislature by the March 18 Movement, later dubbed the Sunflower Movement. In the fall, the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong made history and captured international attention by occupying sections of the city for weeks. Both were actions against the growing influence of Beijing.
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