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| 1 |
ID:
070786
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1643, the Spanish king Felipe IV instituted an annual national offering to Saint James - the patron saint of Spain - that has been a yearly recurring custom on Saint James' day (25 July) almost ever since. Apart from the material offering, each ceremony is accompanied by an invocation of the king or a delegate (or, between 1939 and 1975, by Franco), and by a response of the archbishop of Compostela. These invocations must be considered very valuable, as they serve as expressive vehicles of the national preoccupations and their interpretation in religious terms under different politico-territorial circumstances. This article describes a content analysis of the invocations that belong to the national offerings to Saint James from the second half of the twentieth century. This period is characterised by some radical changes: it encloses the symbiosis between the centralised state-policy and Catholicism (National-Catholicism) during the Franco-regime (1939-1975), the transitional period (1975-1978) and the non-confessional, decentralised state-system after 1978. Furthermore, the changing European territorial order of the last few decades (whose main features are deterritorialization and reterritorialization) has invoked the rise of supranational and subnational social spaces. The texts of the invocations offer the opportunity to gain insight into the adaptability of a religeopolitical phenomenon and the strength of religion as a binding force for communities under the new politico-territorial circumstances.
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| 2 |
ID:
070784
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Salt Lake City Mormonism has long utilised its beliefs toward geopolitical ends. From its beginning in 1830, it never fully accepted the notion that religion exists primarily to promote private faith and moral interpersonal conduct. After a late nineteenth-century compromise between Mormonism and the American state, however, the movement's overt geopolitical agenda crumbled. Leaders and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints cast their lots with the national geopolitical agenda and, for a time, a uniquely Mormon geopolitical voice faded. By the decades after mid-century, however, a more coherent Mormon geopolitical message again emerged. This strongly Americanist discourse utilised Mormon doctrine and prophecies to point toward the last days and Zion's triumph. Yet new conceptions of global space often promote different geopolitical visions. This paper argues that post-Cold War Mormon geopolitical eschatology has diminished greatly on an official level, even if a more unofficial, less coherent discourse remains.
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| 3 |
ID:
070787
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Shortly after the fall of Constantinople in 1453, a Russian Orthodox monk nominated Russia as the 'Third Rome', or successor to the Roman and Byzantine empires. Some analysts have seen Muscovite Third Romism (that allegedly persisted into the Bolshevik era of the Soviet Union) as the Russian equivalent of the USA's Manifest Destiny, and other concepts used to rationalise imperialism.
This paper attempts to broaden and deepen similar interpretations of the major geopolitical dictum coming from Russian Orthodoxy: questionably a direct justification for Russian imperialist messianism and far from being just a feature of the past, this metaphor is an essential element of post-imperial Russian geopolitical discourse as evident in its usage in writings of politically diverse authors. The paper focuses on resurrections of the metaphor in post-imperial Russia nowadays, and, ultimately, broadens our understanding of 'religion as geopolitics' nexus by presenting the too frequently overlooked field of Russian Orthodoxy-related geopolitics.
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| 4 |
ID:
070783
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Geopolitical analysis has left religion in the margins and footnotes of its scholarship. This paper will help rectify this shortcoming. Evangelist Mark Hitchcock and his prophetic biblical interpretations have proliferated in the United States, influencing millions of Americans. Hitchcock's exegesis is based on four 'evil' geopolitical containers: the 'Muslim alliance', the 'Roman Empire', Russia, and the 'kings of the Far East'. This paper will critique Hitchcock's geopolitics and how he claims to 'know the future' through unproblematised theatrical and visual analogies that remove him from the analysis, allow him to see the world as a whole, and give him the power to 'know' the Other. Belief and interpretation in the age of hyper-accessibility to information deserves critical attention when geopolitical licentiousness leads to justifications for the militarisation of space and enmity toward the Other.
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| 5 |
ID:
070780
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| 6 |
ID:
070785
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| 7 |
ID:
070782
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the complexities of the relationship between God and territory as they are developed within the Christian scriptures. It traces the multiple layers of meaning that are developed as the theological narrative which links God to a particular "chosen people" in a "promised land" (ancient Israel) is transformed into one which links God in Christ to a worldwide transterritorial community ("the people of God"). Theological analysis demonstrates different typological interpretations that have been subject to ideological selectivity in their historical appropriation by "Christian" nations, particularly the United States. The religious background to contemporary geopolitical claims by the Bush administration, framed by avowedly biblical justification, is dissected.
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| 8 |
ID:
070781
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides a historic overview of the role of religion in international relations and discusses what the new pervasiveness of religion means from the perspective of critical geopolitics. Religion and geopolitics seem to have been caught in a zero-sum relationship. Religion helped to legitimate the world of states but receded when that world order developed its own logic (the Westphalian system). Where the (geopolitical) logic of the state system or security appears to fail, religion emerges as a source for the self-image of groups or the discourse on global relations. Religious visions in Christianity and Islam as holy land, holy war or millennialism (extensively discussed in this article) have a clear geopolitical character. They fit easily in the study of codes, script and narratives as practised in critical geopolitics. However in drawing general conclusions one should account for the completely different experiential world in which religiosity takes priority and for the independent causes of territorial conflict.
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