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| 1 |
ID:
123059
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article deals with the intellectual and philosophical background of Sartre's thought, which made him susceptible to the influence of left-wing totalitarian structures in general and to left-wing terrorism in particular. Consequently it is argued that Sartre's identification with Stalinism in his younger years, and his later sympathies with the infamous German Baader-Meinhof terrorist gang, were more than mere expressions of his personality, but rather part and parcel of his special blend of existentialism and philosophy. At the end of the article, Sartre's position in this matter is contrasted with the position of another existentialist French thinker, Sartre's contemporary, Albert Camus.
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| 2 |
ID:
124920
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article deals with the intellectual and philosophical background of Sartre's thought, which made him susceptible to the influence of left-wing totalitarian structures in general and to left-wing terrorism in particular. Consequently it is argued that Sartre's identification with Stalinism in his younger years, and his later sympathies with the infamous German Baader-Meinhof terrorist gang, were more than mere expressions of his personality, but rather part and parcel of his special blend of existentialism and philosophy. At the end of the article, Sartre's position in this matter is contrasted with the position of another existentialist French thinker, Sartre's contemporary, Albert Camus.
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| 3 |
ID:
057665
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| Publication |
New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
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| Description |
xxi, 242p.: table, figure, maps.Hbk
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| Series |
Studies in Russian and East European History and Society
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| Standard Number |
0333754611
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046594 | 947/WHE 046594 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
032778
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| Publication |
London, Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1970.
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| Description |
xvi, 150p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005823 | 943.7042/SEL 005823 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
050338
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New York, Basic Books, 2002.
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| Description |
xxvi, 518p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
0465004075
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047489 | 909.82/ARO 047489 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
079239
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines Stalin's intelligence on the capitalist world, including materials from military archives, diplomatic archives, and Stalin's private papers. It explores how these materials were collected, interpreted and shaped by Stalin's prejudices. It concludes that, from the end of the Civil War to the Nazi invasion, Stalin and the Soviet leadership believed that the Soviet Union was under a nearly constant threat of invasion from shifting coalitions of capitalist powers. No such threat existed until the late 1930s, but Stalin's perceptions have important implications for our understanding of Soviet foreign and domestic politics in the interwar period
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| 7 |
ID:
152011
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This article examines the personal papers of Fatima Gabitova, a writer and pedagogue who fell victim to Stalinist repression as a ‘wife of an enemy of the people’ in the Kazakh SSR. Gabitova’s life was in many ways extraordinary, and many of her experiences were hardly typical. Nevertheless, her exposure to Kazakhstan’s cultural and political elites and the rich textual archive she left behind provide a highly nuanced window into the lived experience of Stalinism in Kazakhstan. Her writings, which include journals, poetry, letters and memoiristic essays, reveal a highly articulated sense of self that was informed and influenced by the realities of life under Stalinism, but was not ultimately determined by the parameters of the Soviet system. Throughout her personal writings, Gabitova exhibits a complicated ambivalence towards the reality of Soviet rule that demonstrates the broader contradictions of Stalinism as a system that was at once repressive and participatory.
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| 8 |
ID:
084500
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| 9 |
ID:
178627
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In April 1967, the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) broke in two. This article examines how a contradiction at the heart of the party’s program, which sought to retain leadership over both a mass movement and an alliance with a section of the elite, fragmented the party along the lines of the Sino-Soviet dispute. The ideological expression of the rival national interests of the Soviet Union and People’s Republic of China found congruent alignment with the diverging social forces in the PKP. The Soviet bureaucracy offered attractive terms of trade to countries of belated capitalist development. Sections of Filipino capitalists saw this as a means of developing national industry, and leading layers of the PKP allied themselves with the Marcos administration in support of these ends. In contrast, a cultural revolution and a protracted people’s war expressed the geopolitically imperiled position of China. University-based youth were drawn to this perspective. Over the course of 1966, the PKP was torn apart along the fault-lines of the Sino-Soviet ideological split, as this global dispute gave political form to the diverging social interests within the party.
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| 10 |
ID:
034845
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| Publication |
London, Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd., 1969.
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| Description |
296p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
582126207
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 006248 | 923.2354/BET 006248 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
027883
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| Publication |
London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1966.
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| Description |
263p.hbk
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| Series |
Minerva Series of Student's Handbooks
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
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| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 004306 | 947.085/PET 004306 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
184420
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In the 1930s, luxury textiles such as silk and velvet appeared frequently in agitation and propaganda addressed toward women in Uzbekistan. After examining the cultural and material significance of luxury textiles for Central Asian women before collectivization, this article investigates how luxury textiles were used in the effort to mobilize Central Asian women during the years of collectivization and cottonization (c.1929–37). The article concludes with a close reading of several ‘textile-texts’ produced by Central Asian women, focusing particularly on women’s poetry about luxury textiles. The article argues that the discourse of ‘silk and velvet’ tapped into affective resonances rooted in, among other conditions, the local gift economy, Central Asian women’s material conditions, Orientalist discourses and Stakhanovite propaganda. The discourse of silk and velvet thus bolstered hierarchical relations between Central Asian women and the Party–state, while at the same time it generated lateral ties to a public of other Central Asian women. The article relies on research in a variety of archival sources and the Uzbek-language Soviet press, particularly the women’s press.
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| 13 |
ID:
113568
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| 14 |
ID:
040448
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| Publication |
London, Macmillan, 1972.
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| Description |
xxxiv, xviii, 566p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
333134095
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 009590 | 923.1/MED 009590 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
122994
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Aside from casual references to Soviet biopolitics in the work of Foucault, Agamben, and Esposito, the theoretical literature on biopolitics has largely ignored the Soviet experience, while empirical research in Russian studies has rarely addressed biopolitics. The article examines the experience of Stalinism as an important case for the study of biopolitics that helps resolve a problem preoccupying scholars from Foucault onward: the proximity of biopolitics to its opposite, the thanatopolitics of the mass production of death. How is it that a mode of power presenting itself in terms of care, augmentation, and intensification of life so frequently end up negating life itself? The article addresses this question in the context of the confluence of two political rationalities in the project of Soviet socialism, the revolutionary transcendence of the old order and the biopolitical immanentism of the construction of new forms of life. Focusing on the catastrophic policies of the Great Break (1928-1932), it argues that this combination is ultimately aporetic, leading to the violent destruction of the very lives that were to be transformed. The conclusion considers the contemporary relevance of the lessons to be learnt from Stalinist biopolitics.
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| 16 |
ID:
047315
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| Publication |
Hampshire, Palgrave, 2001.
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| Description |
x, 259p.Hbk
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| Series |
European History in Perspective
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| Standard Number |
0333731522
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044715 | 947/REA 044715 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
191597
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In communist discourse, revisionism denotes a modification of socialist theory and practice that undermines the revolutionary essence of socialism. This article examines the meaning and purpose of North Korea’s anti-revisionism. Each leader has emphasized different aspects of anti-revisionism, in accordance with the changing circumstances. Kim Il Sung made no concessions to revisionism. He endorsed Juche, the monolithic ideological system, and Korean-style socialism to oppose revisionism. Under Kim Jong Il’s leadership, economic cracks emerged in North Korea’s anti-revisionist edifice, though he promoted Songun politics to mitigate them. These economic cracks have widened under Kim Jong Un’s leadership, though he has promoted Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism to successfully maintain an anti-revisionist course. North Korea has upheld anti-revisionism to safeguard socialism and build communism. Anti-revisionism has played a central role in North Korea’s development by determining the evolution of its ideology, socialist system, and foreign policy. Today, North Korea is the last remaining bastion of anti-revisionism.
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| 18 |
ID:
129462
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the late Stalin era, many of the USSR's local party control officials and prosecutors entered into a protracted conflict over who had the right to judge the conduct of communists; prosecutors charged that party committees were shielding communists from prosecution, while control officials claimed that party organs were deferring to prosecutors and abandoning their traditional oversight role. This article will argue that although some party committees were interfering in the courts, the dominant story of party-procuracy relations under post-war Stalinism involved the disengagement of party organs from the oversight of administrative wrongdoing, with long-lasting consequences for the Soviet regime's attitude toward corruption.
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| 19 |
ID:
137336
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THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL REFORM in China in the scholarly literature and newspaper reports often comes down to a dilemma: either China will follow the path of post-Soviet-type democratization, or it will remain committed to the old postulates of communist development. However, the experience of state-led efforts to reform China has proved more than once that China seeks its own path to political modernization, not confined to these two extremes.
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| 20 |
ID:
140580
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| Edition |
4th ed.
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| Publication |
New Jersey, Prentice Hall, 2002.
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| Description |
xv, 204p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
0130341207
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046478 | 947/ROS 046478 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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