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| 1 |
ID:
113021
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to illuminate the ways in which artists and cultural producers can participate in forging the nation(-state) by performing its institutions, and by mocking its operations. It explores two experiments in setting up a Palestinian national museum, which are also art projects in themselves. It also discusses the recent Palestinian art biennials, organised by a Palestinian non-governmental organisation in 2007 and 2009 in various locations across the Mediterranean. It is my argument that the experiments with the Palestinian national museum and the biennials constitute a kind of artistic practice that does not just represent or imitate the social world: they are artistic practices that purport to produce new social arrangements - in particular, a set of new 'state' (art and cultural) institutions under conditions of statelessness. I also discuss how such a tactic of anticipatory representation, which calls into being, by representing them beforehand, institutions that do not yet (fully) exist, bears resemblance with recent policies adopted by the Palestinian political establishment.
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| 2 |
ID:
153870
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Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an important puzzle for our understanding of borders and frontiers and the ways in which they are politically addressed. This article sets out to analyse their various implications for patterns of interdependence among states, territoriality, sovereignty, mobility, and last but not least, for domestic politics. By drawing on a vast corpus, the study provides a broader interpretation of such implications which, as argued, cannot be captured with exclusive reference to securitization and processes of demarcation. This endeavour is important to explore how the power dimension in the borderland may interact with other dimensions of the border. Each disciplinary approach discussed in this study, including its heuristic devices, provides a valid explanation of the oft-cited disconnect that scholars have observed in North Africa between the territorially bounded ideal-type of the nation-state and the ways in which it is concretely translated, if not reinterpreted, by borderlanders. An important insight is to venture far beyond disciplinary dogmatism with a view to addressing an array of drivers (be they political, historical, social, economic and geostrategic) that propels bordering practices in North Africa and determines, by the same token, their effects on the ground.
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| 3 |
ID:
115084
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Syria's tyrant Bashar al-Assad is in the middle of a life-or-death struggle. He might be overthrown. He should be.
The Arab Socialist Baath Party regime, beginning with its founder Hafez al-Assad and continuing through the rule of his son Bashar, is the deadliest state sponsor of terrorism in the Arab Middle East. It assisted the bloodthirsty insurgency in Iraq that killed American soldiers by the thousands and murdered Iraqi civilians by the tens of thousands. It has used both terrorism and conventional military power to place Lebanon under its boot since the mid-1970s. It made Syria into the logistics hub for Hezbollah, the best-equipped and most lethal non-state armed force in the world. It has waged a terrorist war against Israel and the peace process for decades, not only from Lebanon, but also from the West Bank and Gaza. And it is Iran's sole Arab ally and its bridge to the Mediterranean.
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| 4 |
ID:
148787
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the ‘long’ sixteenth century the Ottoman regencies of North Africa operated as major centres of piracy and privateering across the Mediterranean Sea. Though deemed by emerging European powers to be an expression of the ‘barbarian’ status of Muslim and Ottoman rulers and peoples, piracy, and corsairing in fact played a major role in the development of the ‘primary’ or ‘master’ institutions of international society such as sovereignty, war, or international law. Far from representing a ‘barbarian’ challenge to the European ‘standard of civilization’, piracy and privateering in the modern Mediterranean acted as contradictory vehicles in the affirmation of that very standard.
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| 5 |
ID:
146861
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| 6 |
ID:
155247
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This paper analyzes the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative on Europe with a specific focus on Italy. We concentrate on the impact of new railways and port infrastructures on bilateral trade. Our analysis suggests that the development of new railway connections will benefit most of the Northern and Central European countries. Some industries like automotive and electronics that have a higher value to weight ratio will benefit more than others. However, due to higher costs, railway services will never reach a high percentage of total import/export flows. Investment in new port facilities, although less “new” compared with railways, may be a bigger game changer. The development of the Port of Piraeus has already increased the importance of the Mediterranean Sea as an import/export hub for China. If the other planned investments in Egypt and Algeria are completed, this phenomenon will be magnified. This presents a huge challenge for Italy. The Italian port in the high Adriatic Sea could be displaced by Piraeus capacity, especially if this port is linked through railways with the center of Europe. Italy needs to coordinate its ports together with its railway network to take advantage of Belt and Road Initiative opportunities.
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| 7 |
ID:
165302
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Can natural resources facilitate regional cooperation? Recent discoveries of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean have led many to ask whether natural resources can bring peace and prosperity to the region. This article draws upon the contrast between liberal and realist perspectives on interdependence to explicate the extent to which shared economic interests can facilitate political cooperation in a conflict-ridden region. The analysis of Turkey’s Eastern Mediterranean strategy corroborates the proposition that when states prioritize security over prosperity, they will likely continue to escalate political tensions even if this jeopardizes economic gains from cooperation.
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| 8 |
ID:
172810
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The notion of a Mediterranean Neighbourhood points to how a specific geopolitical space is scripted, imagined and then translated into practice through the European Union’s foreign policy towards this region. I contend that the Arab Spring took place within this European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) framework contesting many of its underlying principles. This wave of social upheaval across a marked EU vs. non-EU space enabled a series of geographical imaginations and spatial practices able to rethink the Mediterranean region otherwise. This paper introduces three concepts developed by Hamid Dabashi to the geographical debates rethinking Europe’s contours through a post/de-colonial analytical lens. Drawing from the spatial thinking that characterises Dabashi’s recent work, this paper contributes to the rich critical literature on the ENP’s macro-regional imaginary. Concretely, building on Dabashi’s notion of “liberation geographies”, I emphasise how recent organising as well as ongoing migratory movements in the region constitute serious geopolitical interlocutors able to produce alternative Mediterranean spaces.
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| 9 |
ID:
081493
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Framed in the Justice and Home Affairs external dimension (JHAE) literature that argues that the European Union's (EU) internal security has become an objective of European foreign policy, this article offers an analysis of the institutionalization of border management in the Mediterranean. Investigating the role of Frontex, the European border management agency, this article reveals that border management in the Mediterranean is a fragmented policy that presents internal and external challenges. First, at an internal level, border management remains a sensitive issue where the principles of burden sharing and solidarity between EU member states are difficult to operationalize. Second, at an external level, effective border management is dependent on cooperation with EU's neighbours, as the Spanish-Moroccan case demonstrates. Lastly, along with these internal and external challenges, border management raises some crucial issues about the opportunity of externalizing surveillance technologies to authoritarian regimes
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| 10 |
ID:
031605
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| Publication |
London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1979.
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| Description |
xiii, 601p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. I
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| Standard Number |
0116309334
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019715 | 940.548541/HIN 019715 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
127119
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During World War II, the British ran a sustained anti-shipping campaign against Axis merchant and supply traffic in the Mediterranean. Although the effects of this on the land war in North Africa have been the subject of much debate, little attention has been paid to the nature and prosecution of the campaign itself. This article analyses the changes in British attitudes and policy towards attacking merchant shipping prior to and throughout the campaign. It then goes on to examine the conduct of the campaign itself and compare it with other British efforts elsewhere during the war. It concludes that the anti-shipping campaign in the Mediterranean was a unique combined arms offensive for the British, and a major evolution in their attitudes and policy towards maritime total war.
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| 12 |
ID:
152597
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This essay analyzes the diplomacy of the Parliament of Catalonia in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, Spain, toward the Mediterranean region. In recent years, the academic literature has shown increased interest in the wide range of international activities undertaken by members of parliaments at the subnational level. Yet the academic study on diplomacy of the Parliament of Catalonia remains limited. Because there is a well-rooted tradition of foreign activity in the Catalan political culture, the Parliament of Catalonia has been working consistently in the international sphere. The Mediterranean dimension illustrates the strengths and the weaknesses of such activities.
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| 13 |
ID:
178368
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the decade between 2009 and 2019, China emerged as an economic power with geostrategic dimensions in the Mediterranean and Southeastern Europe, a region contested by great powers for many centuries. After firmly establishing primacy in the Greek port of Piraeus, China has executed a sweeping programme of port diplomacy involving over two dozen ports along Mediterranean European, Middle Eastern, and North African shores. Concurrently, China has conducted a programme of active engagement with the Central and Eastern European Countries, resulting in the 17 + 1 association tied to its Belt and Road Initiative through the Mediterranean Piraeus gateway. Based on these developments, China is well situated to expand its power in the Mediterranean going forward.
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| 14 |
ID:
160307
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Mediterranean Sea is one of the most important maritime highways in international trade and a marine traffic hub at the western end of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This essay examines the role of Mediterranean countries in the construction and realization of the Twenty-First Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative, one of the BRI's two main components. China's maritime activity in the Mediterranean Sea and its shores consists mainly of constructing and operating ports or railways. The investments in sea-lanes and railways complement each other and jointly open new trade links between China and the Eurasia-Africa zone. However, the implementation of a Maritime Silk Road via the Mediterranean Sea cannot succeed unless there is a way to bridge the gap between economic interests and the capacity to protect those interests.
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| 15 |
ID:
074520
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| 16 |
ID:
085467
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of the Cold War, the discourses and practices of the EU towards the Mediterranean have emerged as an important area of study with regard to attempting to explain and analyse how Europe and the Mediterranean are reconstructed. This mutual reconstruction of two selves in the so-called Mediterranean relationship appears as a new type of praxis, a broadened self, following the model of European success in forming a regional security community. However, since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Mediterranean idea has been constructed by exploiting the new threats facing the West and Europeans. In this paper it is assumed that the discourse and practice of the EU in constructing the Mediterranean self can be seen as an extension of long-standing European policies of constructing Europe as an area of security. In the light of this evaluation, this paper focuses on the threat perceptions of the EU, the related power asymmetries in the Mediterranean relationship and the enduring asymmetry in the perception of the European and Mediterranean self in the face of 'new' insecurities.
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| 17 |
ID:
152671
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| Summary/Abstract |
I WOULD START with the analysis of a topic that we could consider crucial: what is happening along the borders of Italy's southern coast? Analysts who spoke of "world disorder" with reference to the events, which are currently taking place in the Mediterranean region, probably used the most appropriate definition. If we think that last year we celebrated the anniversary of the Yalta Treaty - the 1945 conference that gave rise to a new "world order" - and that after seventy years, with the explosion of different trouble spots all over the world, we should almost go back to talking of "disorder," that idea makes me smile. That scenario was evoked several times, even in the Holy Father's words, when a few years ago, returning from a mission to South Korea, he said: "We entered the Third World War: only it is being fought in pieces, in chapters."
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| 18 |
ID:
161899
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Divided Mediterranean, Divided World: The Influence of Arabic on Medieval Italian Poetry describes the significant role played by Arabic and Islamic poetry, legends, tales, and philosophy on major Italian poets in the Middle Ages in spite of the denial of some of the poets themselves of such an influence. Psychologists do not seem to pay much attention to the love–hate syndrome that affects sensitive souls in politically unstable states. Similarly, many literary critics continue to turn a blind eye to the influence of Arabic on Medieval Italian poetry. Historians also present history to us not only through documents they have read in archives, but they similarly express their own divergent personal opinions and interpretations of historical events.
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| 19 |
ID:
047537
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| Publication |
London, Brockhampton Press, 1999.
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| Description |
352p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
186019995X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 043242 | 940.540943/HOO 043242 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
085468
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the evolving relationship in the energy field between states north and south of the Mediterranean. The focus is on energy security, with North African energy producers eager to export their hydrocarbons to European consumers, and EU member states keen to diversify their energy suppliers, and, in particular, avoid over-dependence on Russia for natural gas imports. There are separate discussions on trade in crude oil, natural gas and liquefied natural gas. Concerns over terrorist attacks on energy infrastructure and the heightened interest of NATO on issues of energy security in the Mediterranean are also examined.
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