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| 1 |
ID:
028399
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| Edition |
1st ed.
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| Publication |
Bombay, Vohra & Co., 1970.
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| Description |
xi, 160p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 015547 | 954.0359/JAU 015547 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
092662
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| 3 |
ID:
132052
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What explains the global variation in laws criminalizing homosexual conduct? Recent research has claimed that British colonialism is largely responsible for the criminalization of homosexuality around the world. This article utilizes a newly constructed dataset that includes up-to-date data on 185 countries to assess this claim. We find that British colonies are much more likely to have criminalization of homosexual conduct laws than other colonies or other states in general. This result holds after controlling for other variables that might be expected to influence the likelihood of repressive lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights legislation. However, we also find that the evidence in favour of the claim that British imperialism 'poisoned' societies against homosexuality is weak. British colonies do not systematically take longer to decriminalize homosexual conduct than other European colonies.
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| 4 |
ID:
124175
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The project of international development involves the reordering of states (or at least attempts to do so), it sits at the intersection between transnational forces and bounded political entities and it is a manifestation of the will to order of powerful states. It would seem then to be closely connected to practices of intervention. At times, the practices of development agencies have taken on a more interventionist character, but in recent years their relationship to many developing countries has taken on a more intricate, subtle, and everyday form. It has in important respects moved 'beyond' intervention. This has significance beyond international development. Development agencies have been recruited to wider projects of international ordering, especially the construction of regimes of global governance and the 'development' of post-intervention states.
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| 5 |
ID:
071313
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this paper we examine the changing perception of Central Asia and the Caucasus to Imperial Britain from the mid nineteenth to the mid twentieth centuries and consider the importance of Mackinder's 1904 paper 'The Geographical Pivot of History' to this process. In it we argue that Central Asia and the Caucasus are seen first as an important buffer zone essential to keeping the Russia aggressors at bay and ensuring Britain's continued dominance of India. By the end of the nineteenth century, however, the region had emerged as a major source of raw materials, particularly oil, and as such was no longer seen as merely a buffer zone, but a considerable prize in itself. Mackinder's paper, which emerged at a critical point in this transition, served as an important synthesis of these long-standing and widely shared British concerns about the region and provided a clear and concise assessment of the region's geo-strategic and geo-economic importance and as such its global significance.
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| 6 |
ID:
125450
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ever since the formulation of common borders between India and China during the 19th and 20th Centuries, these sailing for Sino-Indian relations has not been smooth. The course of Sino-Indian relationship was filled with the ramps of mistrust, jealousy, hearted and arms conflicts. The territorial aggrandizement of the British and Manchu imperialism turned the peaceful Himalayan region into an area of protracted contest between India and China
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| 7 |
ID:
042852
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Srijanu Prakashan, 1972.
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| Description |
xiv, 456p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010084 | 954.03/CHO 010084 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
029720
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New Delhi, Ashish Publishing House, 1989.
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| Description |
xvi, 332p.Hbk
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| Contents |
the architect of Indian planning for political, economic and social structure
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| Standard Number |
817024269X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031122 | 923.254/KHA 031122 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
155122
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The Nilgiri hill communities have for a long time been the focus of anthropological inquiry, though they have rarely been the focus of historical inquiry that delves more deeply into the past than the colonial period. And, while the fields of history and anthropology have moved beyond tropes of primitive and timeless, our studies of those formerly so-called ‘timeless primitives’ have remained stuck in time. I argue, therefore, for an interdisciplinary modified Subaltern Studies approach, integrating data from anthropology, archaeology, linguistics, and genetics, to develop a longue durée social history of the Nilgiri hills. For the Nilgiri communities, as with other tribal communities, narratives about their past have tended to emphasize their isolation until the modern period. In this article, drawing together data from several disciplines, I argue that the communities of the Nilgiris, especially the Toda, so frequently held up as examples of cultural isolation, were not truly isolated, neither from neighbouring tribal communities, nor from the states and empires of the plains below. I argue that the maintenance of distinctive religious, subsistence, and linguistic practices, despite contact with a wider world, is evidence of an active process of isolationist group formation/maintenance and resistance to other ways of being.
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| 10 |
ID:
116251
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In his classic book Small Wars: Their Principles and Practice (1896), the military theorist Charles E. Callwell divided small wars into three broad classes: wars of conquest were fought to expand empires; pacification campaigns were internal, and often followed campaigns of conquest; campaigns to wipe out an insult, avenge a wrong, or overthrow a dangerous enemy, often developed into wars of conquest. While all three categories involved major political considerations, Callwell's text is often criticised for its lack of discussion of politics. However, Callwell recognised that, if the ultimate objective of a campaign was successfully to assimilate a people into the British Empire, then 'military intimidation' was ill adapted to that end. This article will argue that a strategy of 'butcher and bolt' was indeed considered by many commentators, including Callwell, to be the best way to win 'hearts and minds'. This stemmed from a belief in the all-importance of 'moral effect', a recurring theme in small wars literature. However, to view the British approach to colonial small wars as pure and simple brutality, in a 'dark age' before a more enlightened period of 'minimum force', is an oversimplification.
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| 11 |
ID:
177280
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One of the notable characteristics of Britain’s imperial role in the Trucial States (United Arab Emirates from 1971) was the establishment of armed forces and security services. The Trucial Oman Scouts (TOS) were the most important proto army in the sheikhdoms. During the last decade of the pax Britannica in the Trucial States competing units were also established in the region. The Foreign Office also sought to counter the potential threat of opposition groups inspired by several models of Arab nationalism by developing the internal security forces of the sheikhdoms. The establishment of these military organisations was attractive because they were much cheaper than deploying British forces. In January 1968 the Labour government decided to withdraw from East of Suez. The armies of the Trucial States formed the basis of the UAE armed forces, and British played a central role in creating the security state in the Emirates.
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| 12 |
ID:
180303
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the notable characteristics of Britain’s imperial role in the Trucial States (United Arab Emirates from 1971) was the establishment of armed forces and security services. The Trucial Oman Scouts (TOS) were the most important proto army in the sheikhdoms. During the last decade of the pax Britannica in the Trucial States competing units were also established in the region. The Foreign Office also sought to counter the potential threat of opposition groups inspired by several models of Arab nationalism by developing the internal security forces of the sheikhdoms. The establishment of these military organisations was attractive because they were much cheaper than deploying British forces. In January 1968 the Labour government decided to withdraw from East of Suez. The armies of the Trucial States formed the basis of the UAE armed forces, and British played a central role in creating the security state in the Emirates.
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| 13 |
ID:
128031
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the great founding legends of Soviet Union is that of the murder in September 1918 of 26 Soviet Commissars in Transcaspia, allegedly by a British officer, Reginald Teague-Jones. The episode which became the legend took place at the end of the First World War, at the very end of the eastern front, where the Russian withdrawal from the war left a vacuum and a situation which was confused, to say the least. Independent Soviets were springing up and one of these was the short-lived Baku Commune (also mythologised by the Soviets) When the Commune collapsed its leaders, the 26 Commissars, were imprisoned. Weeks later, in the confusion of the capture of Baku by the Turks, the Commissars escaped by boat, bound for Astrakhan, then held by the Bolsheviks. But they ended up in Krasnovodsk, in the hands of the anti-Bolsheviks and they were subsequently executed. Limited British forces (Malmiss and Dunforce) were in the area. They were initially deployed against the Turks, who were fighting on the German side, but then the Bolsheviks became the primary concern for the British. It is clear that Teague-Jones had a liaison role with the anti-Bolsheviks, but modern evidence suggests that it is very unlikely that he was even present at the execution of the 26 Commissars. The article shows how the legend grew and why the involvement of an agent of British Imperialism fitted a propaganda need.
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| 14 |
ID:
166680
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2018.
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| Description |
xii, 234p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789387324060
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059686 | 923.2/KUM 059686 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
116360
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In its first 2 decades the Canadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA), Canada's premier foreign policy think tank, never functioned merely as a neutral and apolitical research organization. Under the leadership of Edgar Tarr, president of the Monarch Life Assurance Company, and in its capacity as the Canadian Council of the transnational Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR), in the 1930s and 1940s the CIIA became an instrument that championed Canadian national autonomy and sought to expand Canada's international role, while challenging British imperialism, racism, and Anglo-Saxon dominance. Prominent Canadian diplomats and other officials were complicit in this enterprise, which reached its apogee at the IPR conference held at Mont Tremblant, Quebec, in December 1942. The CIIA's activities during this period revealed the porosity and imprecision of the boundaries in Canada between the state and non-state realms. Throughout World War II, DEA and other Canadian government representatives attended CIIA and IPR conferences as "official non-officials," effectively cooperating with private individuals in a network of purportedly non-governmental organizations that enabled Canada to exert leverage on the British government, reject British leadership, align itself with the United States, and secure a greater world role. CIIA leaders and Canadian officials also consciously encouraged nationalist forces in India, China, and Southeast Asia that sought to reject colonial rule and Western dominance. CIIA activities thus became part of a web of diplomatic interactions across a transnational network of think tanks within and outside the British Empire that had their own impact upon international affairs.
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