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ID:
149818
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| Summary/Abstract |
concerns about government stability ahead of the 2018 presidential election are driving Vladimir Putin into reforms of Russia's security apparatus. Mark Galeotti surveys changes that could substantially reorient Moscos's internal security and espionage posture.
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| 2 |
ID:
074427
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines a relatively unexplored aspect of the Russo-Japanese territorial dispute: the involvement of subnational actors. It focuses in particular on the sustained campaign of domestic lobbying and paradiplomacy by elites from the Far East region of Sakhalin aimed at preventing the Russian central government from transferring the South Kuril Islands/Northern Territories to Japan during the 1990s. It explores the various responses to the 'Sakhalin factor' from federal authorities in Russia, as well as private and public bodies in Japan, highlighting the subsequent localization and pluralization of diplomatic channels. The paper also considers why the 'Sakhalin factor' became so prominent, pointing to a synergy of factors that include the high-profile anti-concessionary campaigns of the Sakhalin political elite, the fallout from Russia's troubled attempts at state building and a possible convergence of interests between Boris Yeltsin and regional authorities. The paper concludes with an analysis of how Vladimir Putin's federal reforms, launched in 2000, have diminished Sakhalin's authority over the South Kuril Islands.
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| 3 |
ID:
074428
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia's President Vladimir Putin has centralized decision making in Moscow and has reduced the role of domestic actors. He has demonstrated his own personal management of foreign policy in relation to China and Japan. He has used negotiations over oil and territory to place Russia in a more favourable position between them. In relation to oil, he has overruled the oil company Yukos and others within his own government and decided in favour of the Japanese pipeline route, which includes a branch line to China. Putin decided on the Japanese route because it promised access to wider markets in the Asia Pacific, besides China. It also entailed deeper Japanese involvement in Russia's development and reduced Russian dependence upon China. In terms of territory, Putin undermined the power of local opposition and offered territorial settlements to both China and Japan, to remove sources of future tension. With China he compromised over the river islands which had been left outstanding since the main border agreement was signed in 1991. To Japan he again offered a compromise over the disputed islands based on the 1956 agreement to improve relations. Russians may hope that energy dependence would induce the Japanese to become more willing to compromise over the territorial issue. The Japanese, however, expect that Russia's need for funding for the pipeline would allow them to resist that pressure and to demand a return of all disputed islands. If Russia emerges as an energy supplier to both China and Japan its influence and its regional role would be enhanced. Much depends upon the prospects for the oil pipeline and its branch line, whose feasibility has been questioned.
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| 4 |
ID:
145896
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| Edition |
2nd ed.
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| Publication |
Lanham, Rowman and Littlefield, 2015.
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| Description |
xx, 317p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9781442253582
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058705 | 327.47/HER 058705 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
150556
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia has often been seen as a country that relies mostly on its hard power tactics. It has also been seen as a country where democratic values are very low with lack of proper freedom of speech or expression. Russia has also been stereotyped as being involved mostly in espionage and nefarious activities as often portrayed through Hollywood movies and the Western press. This also proves the fact that while the negative image attached to Russia might be because of its own hard power pursuits but a lot is dependent on the way the West has portrayed it.
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| 6 |
ID:
150531
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| Summary/Abstract |
21 st century began with strengthening of Russian position in the global arms market, notwithstanding the fact that arms trade in general declined in the world. President Vladimir Putin has described it as a stable tendency of Russians arms export. “We are expanding our position in Asia , particularly in South-East Asia. We are conducting successful talks for returning to the market of Latin America. We are continuing our cooperation with European partners on supply of new items, and on repair of military equipments supplied to these countries in the past.”, said President Putin.
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| 7 |
ID:
150628
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| 8 |
ID:
151872
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| 9 |
ID:
152048
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| 10 |
ID:
071698
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