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| 1 |
ID:
061418
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Apr 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, based on an analysis of the 2004 elections, argues that illiberal democracy in the Philippines rests on strong foundations. On one hand, bad government, armed men, and the mainstreaming of military activism and People Power have deepened the illiberal strain of political culture since the ouster of strongman Ferdinand Marcos in 1986. On the other hand, the reassertion of democratic nationalism by prominent institutions and public opinion, and new technologies and types of representation, have reinforced a democracy that rests on relatively solid footing even though it may often appear on the brink of collapse. Public religion illustrates the complexity of these issues. If one defines “liberal” as seeking to change the status quo, the Catholic Church has become one of the country’s most liberal institutions because it has challenged a frequently abusive and kleptocratic state for secure elections and basic rights.
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| 2 |
ID:
087033
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2009.
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Nearly a million Sri Lankan women labor overseas as migrant workers, the vast majority in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in West Asia. They are poorly paid and vulnerable to a wide variety of exploitative labor practices at home and abroad. Despite the importance of worker remittances to Sri Lanka's national economy, and in spite of the nation's history of organized labor and active political participation, migrants have received only anemic support from the state, labor unions, feminist organizations, and migrant-oriented nongovernmental organizations. The article contextualizes Sri Lankan migration within larger-scale economic dynamics (such as global capitalist policies and processes) and local-level ideological formations (such as local political histories and culturally shaped gender norms). The author argues that political freedoms in destination countries have a significant effect on organizing activities in both host and sending nations. Comparing the Sri Lankan and Philippine situations, the author contends that the vibrant activism in the Philippines correlates with the liberal organizing climates in the European Union and in East and Southeast Asia, while the paucity of organizing in Sri Lanka correlates with the strict repression of guest workers in the GCC. Compared to other destinations, the GCC countries give workers (particularly women) less chance for autonomous activities, are less open to labor organizing, and are less responsive to political protest.
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| 3 |
ID:
101924
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2011.
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The Calatagan pot, with an inscription around its rim, is one of the very few existing archeological evidences of ancient writing in the Philippines. It was discovered in Calatagan, Batangas and bought by the Philippine National Museum in 1961. Having since eluded decipherment, the present paper proposes a strategy which combines traditional palaeographic techniques and cryptographic methods. By means of this procedure, a tentative decipherment of the inscription is proposed here. The preliminary results show that the inscription is some kind of ancient spell or charm written in a central Philippine language with a Javanese admixture.
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| 4 |
ID:
049879
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Jan-Feb 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Washington has made the fight against radical Muslim separatists in the Philippines a critical front in its war on terrorism. But its one-size-fits-all approach reflects a dangerous misunderstanding of the problem -- and could make things worse.
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| 5 |
ID:
115193
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2012.
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The Obama administration seems to have toned down its rhetoric on Asia-Pacific security, abandoning the fancy but problematic phrase 'pivot towards Asia' and replacing it with the more prosaic 'rebalancing'. This does not mean the content of US policy is very different. On the contrary, the Obama administration continues its military build-up in the region, aiming at a military posture that can only be described as 'absolute superiority'. Over the past two years, Washington has put together a comprehensive 'containment' package in Asia that includes a new military doctrine of air-sea battle; launched a game-changing economic project called the Trans-Pacific Partnership; initiated the 'rotation' of US marines in Australia; and stationed coastal battleships in Singapore. More alarmingly, the United States is making clear attempts to re-establish a naval presence in Subic Bay in the Philippines, and in the coveted Cam Ranh Bay in Vietnam. Both were key US naval bases during the Cold War.
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| 6 |
ID:
131324
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After long being a continental power, China in the 21st century has started to follow an ambitious maritime expansion course, seeking to bolster its power-projection capabilities, especially n North Asia, South-east Asia, the South-west Pacific and the South Pacific. This has pushed the countries in the Asia-Pacific region such as Australia, India, Vietnam, Philippines and Indonesia to form an effective strategic partnership. Further, it has induced the United States to increase its maritime military presence in the region--with a view to having a forward presence or pivot. It has sought increased strategic co-operation and alliance with countries that are wary of China's expanding maritime presence.
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| 7 |
ID:
147533
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The conflicts in the South China Sea have caught much attention in the past few years. The vast majority of academic studies focus almost exclusively on the Sino-Vietnamese and the Sino-Philippine conflicts in the South China Sea and the Sino-Japanese conflict in the East China Sea. By not considering the structurally fairly similar conflict between China and Malaysia and generally focusing on the past decade only those analyses neglect variation in Chinese conflict behaviour over time and between opponents. This article compares the high-profile Sino-Philippine conflict to the rather smooth relations between China and Malaysia. Whereas China has regularly challenged Philippine claims and activities in disputed regions, it has exhibited much more restraint towards Malaysia, even though the two countries’ claims overlap and Malaysia, unlike the Philippines, has been extracting substantial resources (LNG) from regions disputed with China since the 1980s. I argue that much of the observable between-country and over-time variation in Chinese conflict behaviour is rooted in the approaches chosen by China’s opponents for framing their overall bilateral relationships with China. Specifically, it is argued that China’s opponents in territorial and maritime conflicts can assuage Chinese behaviour on the ground by signalling recognition and respect of China’s overall self-role and world-order conceptions. Conversely, if they challenge the overarching Chinese self-role and world-order conceptions, China tends towards a coercive strategy. China will also tolerate higher levels of assertiveness of its opponent in the contest for sovereignty, when the opponent displays respect for China’s recognition needs.
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| 8 |
ID:
059510
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May-Jun 2003.
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| 9 |
ID:
179132
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Competition has two possible contrasting effects on firm innovation. On one hand, it can force businesses to innovate to become more competitive. On the other, competition can shrink a firm’s market share, revenues and profit, making it difficult to implement costly innovations. Applying logistic regression on data from a survey of 480 small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the Philippines, this paper found evidence that there is a generally positive relationship between competition and innovation. The magnitude of the relationship, however, depends on the type of innovation. The form of innovation most strongly associated with competition is improvement in the production process, followed by improvement in marketing. It is most weakly associated with introduction of a product new to the market and with improvement of an existing product. There is also some evidence that the magnitude of the competition-innovation relationship varies across sectors and across firms of different sizes.
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| 10 |
ID:
007812
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March 1995.
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| Description |
44-47
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| 11 |
ID:
117480
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2012.
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Research on the social effects of tourism and beachfront property development in Southeast Asia finds that foreigners and local elites reap the main benefits, rather than fishing families and coastal communities, who also become vulnerable to displacement. This article, discussing cleavages and co-operation among parties brought together in court cases over land on a Philippine island, demonstrates that poor coastal dwellers just north of Dumaguete City on Negros Island differ in their ability to use social relations within and beyond kin groups to resist development-induced displacement from the increasingly lucrative foreshore. Members of families who are considered to be descendants of the 'original people of the place' have been far less vulnerable to displacement pressure than settlers with more of a 'migrant' status.
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| 12 |
ID:
100695
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2010.
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Golden Collection series. The UN World Food Program provides food aid to the world's hungry, thus saving about 100 million people from starvation. Russia contributes to the program by sending the hungry hundreds of tons of grain totaling tens of millions of dollars through the UN World Food Program. Last year Russia chaired the UN WFP Executive Council. Immense efforts have been exerted by the Russian Federation and through our representative to accomplish those tasks that the world community has assigned to the WFP.
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| 13 |
ID:
085987
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing upon transnational multi-sited research analysing sending and receiving aspects of migration flows and the shifting priorities of neoliberal citizenship regimes, this article highlights the class complexity of Philippine gendered migration pathways to Canada. Migrant agency and class complexity are linked to neoliberal immigration and labour export policies that privilege the acquisition of capital serving the interests of sending and receiving countries. Sometimes this benefits elite migrants but it also exacerbates gendered class cleavages between migrants and within Philippine society. The histories of Philippine internal and overseas migration have contributed to a culture of migration whereby Filipinos exhibit flexibility to draw advantage from subtle shifts in Canadian immigration policy. The paper concludes that Filipinos may well represent the ideal immigrant but there are personal, social, and political consequences for migrants and the nation.
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| 14 |
ID:
117526
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2012.
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International aid agencies are increasingly placing social accountability at the heart of their governance reform programs, involving a range of social activist mechanisms through which officials are rendered answerable to the public. Crucially, aid agencies are not just promoting these mechanisms in emerging democracies, but now also in authoritarian societies. What then are the likely political regime effects of these mechanisms? We approach this by examining who supports social accountability, why, and the implications for political authority. Focusing on the Philippines and Cambodia cases, it is argued that, to differing degrees, social accountability mechanisms have been subordinated to liberal and/or moral ideologies favoring existing power hierarchies. These ideologies often privilege nonconfrontational state-society partnerships, drawing activists into technical and administrative processes limiting reform possibilities by marginalizing, or substituting for, independent political action pivotal to the democratic political authority of citizens.
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| 15 |
ID:
096455
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| 16 |
ID:
110854
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Operations to counterterrorism in the southern Philippines have resulted in the arrest and incarceration of a significant number of key militants. As a result, the Philippine government has expressed concern that these inmates may radicalize others and continue to operate while incarcerated. As a preventive measure, the government has considered a number of "soft" counterstrategies, including the development of a de-radicalization program. To study the feasibility of running such a program in the Philippine corrective system, this article examines two interrelated areas of enquiry concerning how terrorist inmates are housed and whether prison gangs foster or discourage radicalization in the Philippine prison system. Initial findings suggest that the integration of terrorist inmates with prison gangs may temporarily encourage disengagement and set the foundations for de-radicalization. However, without a specifically designed intervention strategy, the terrorist inmates may revert to militancy once they have returned to their original social settings.
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| 17 |
ID:
120884
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2013.
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This article offers an examination of the gendering of the Philippines' Muslim South under American military rule (1899-1913) through discourses of violence against women. It explores the exposition and discussion of cases involving abuse, murder, enslavement, and violence in both official and unofficial reports, which revealed a critical discourse of gender construction for both coloniser and colonised in Moro Province.
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| 18 |
ID:
118909
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2012.
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This paper investigates the evidence on living standards in colonial economies, with particular reference to South East Asia in the decades from 1900 to 1942. Various measures are investigated, including availability of basic needs, demographic indicators, especially mortality rates, anthropometric measures and wage data. The paper concludes that in spite of the growth in GDP which occurred in most parts of the region between 1900 and 1940, improvements in living standards were modest, and by the late 1930s most colonies had low educational enrolments and high mortality rates. The Philippines had probably the highest living standards in the region, using educational indicators, mortality rates and per capita GDP estimates. But even in the Philippines rice availability per capita was low, and nutritional levels among some segments of the population were also below acceptable standards.
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| 19 |
ID:
112947
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2012.
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Considered by many as the founding moment of Muslim separatism in Mindanao, the Jabidah massacre, which took place on Corregidor Island, involved the killing of Muslim trainees who were being prepared by the Philippine military in 1967 and 1968 to infiltrate and sabotage neighboring Sabah. This article analyzes the ways by which memories of this iconic event have in the past four decades been recorded, remembered, mythicized, appropriated, or simply consumed for their own purposes by political elites, civil society actors, and ordinary people in the Philippines. Our angle of vision is directed toward what we term "contentious vectors" -news media, novels, films, and blogs-to analyze the processes by which memories are recast. The ways by which the Jabidah massacre is remembered and appropriated reflect the contestations between civil society and the government in the Philippines, as well as the intense rivalry among the political elites both within and between the Christian-elite-dominated Filipino polity and Muslim communities. The struggle to influence the shape of memories of Jabidah is part and parcel of an ongoing struggle to create competing nations-of-intent amidst the persistent tensions between the state and its dissenters.
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| 20 |
ID:
104269
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