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ID:
075790
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When republics, beginning with India in 1949, were first admitted to the Commonwealth of Nations, Australia remained strongly attached to the Crown and the King's (later the Queen's) role as Head of the Commonwealth. Indeed, many Australians had seen a shared Crown as axiomatic, and a symbol of Commonwealth unity. Despite bursts of republicanism in Australia during the 19th and 20th centuries, it was not until the 1990s that a republic appeared likely. One historic driver of anti-British Australian republicanism has been the Irish heritage of many Australians. As republicanism grew, it was important that Australia could remain in the Commonwealth as a republic. The past decade has seen a stronger sentiment in Australia than in the other 'old Dominions' - New Zealand and Canada - that national independence and identity require the symbol of a home-grown head of state, rather than one seen as British. The growth of republicanism in such countries, and in Britain itself, would be likely to encourage republicanism in Australia. Australia's republican majority has been frustrated by its inability to agree on a model for parliamentary selection or direct election of the president. No Commonwealth country provides a model which Australians find compelling.
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| 2 |
ID:
098327
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The idea that a republic is the only legitimate form of government and that non-elective monarchy and hereditary political privileges are by definition illegitimate is an artifact of late eighteenth century republicanism, though it has roots in the "godly republics" of the seventeenth century. It presupposes understanding a republic (respublica) to be a non-monarchical form of government. The latter definition is a discursive practice that goes back only to the fifteenth century and is not found in Roman or medieval sources. This article explains how the definition emerged in Renaissance Italy.
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| 3 |
ID:
096826
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that, as the modern Commonwealth celebrates its 60th anniversary, the time has come for Ireland-which left the organisation in April 1949 baulking at the prospect of 'allegiance' to the British Crown-to return to the fold, now that Republican constitutions are common among Commonwealth members and new entrants, without historic links with Britain and the Crown, have been welcomed in.
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| 4 |
ID:
157261
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ITALY IS AGAIN at a crossroads. An attempt to carry out a constitutional reform that would have changed the country's political system has fallen through. Italy faces a new political crisis as the ruling party's policy is increasingly rejected both by the opposition and by the population. Where the nation will go from now on depends on a set of factors in its economy and its domestic and foreign policy. To make matters worse, developments in Italy are a source of special concern for the European Union. With the EU being plagued by economic, political and social crises, domestic instability in member countries causes it particular anxiety. The situation in Italy, which is one of the founders and leaders of the EU, exercises a direct effect on the pan-European political climate. Due to the high degree of mutual integration of the economies and political systems of the member countries, political instability in Italy threatens the stability of the EU as a whole.
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| 5 |
ID:
072043
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| 6 |
ID:
171334
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Why did Plato conclude the Republic, arguably his most celebrated work of political theory, with the Myth of Er, an obscure story of indeterminate political-theoretical significance? This paper advances a novel reading of the Myth of Er that attends to the common plot that it shares with two earlier narrative interludes in the Republic. It suggests that Plato constructed the myth as an account of a search, akin to the sorting of potential philosopher-kings that underwrites the kallipolis’ educational curriculum, for natures that have successfully absorbed the cumulative effects of their philosophical upbringing. The model of nature presented in the myth, in turn, helps us approach the category of nature as a working concept: we can recognize contexts in which it is useful to assume in otherwise complex and fluid individuals a fixed, indelible nature, while granting that our sense of what that consists in is subject to revision.
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| 7 |
ID:
095795
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| 8 |
ID:
104643
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| 9 |
ID:
092139
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Plato wrote dialogues. While there has been attention to the dramatic elements of Plato's dialogues by a number of scholars, there has been much less attention to the narrative style of the dialogues. I argue that we should consider whether the dialogues are recited or presented like dramatic works with each character speaking his own words-or as a mixture of these narrative forms. By employing this interpretive tool to read the Republic, I illustrate how paying attention to the narrative style enables us to see a democratic Socrates who undermines readings of the Republic famously offered by Karl Popper and Leo Strauss. Plato appears then as neither a defender of the "closed society" nor an advocate of the elite rule of the wise over the many.
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| 10 |
ID:
190806
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This essay investigates the choices made by the Turkish political leadership at three crucial moments in the history of Turkey between World War I and the Cold War. It asks the question if viable alternatives to the chosen route were available, and to what extent the choices made reflected international developments of the time. The episodes looked at are the establishment of a nation-state and of a republic (two separate issues) in 1920–23, the turn towards authoritarianism during the World Crisis (1930–32) and the transition to multi-party democracy in 1945–50.
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| 11 |
ID:
108334
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