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| 1 |
ID:
088315
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has the world's fastest-slowing economy. According to official statistics, gross domestic product skyrocketed a staggering 13.0 percent in 2007. In fact, in all likelihood that figure was even higher, with poor sampling procedures failing to properly take into account the output of small manufacturers, which at the time constituted the most productive part of the economy. Even without that extra bump, however, this put China in the top echelons in terms of economic growth.
Last year, however, the economy tumbled. GDP growth, Beijing tells us, was 10.6 percent in the first quarter, 10.1 percent in the second, 9.0 in the third, and 6.8 percent in the fourth. The decline continued this year, with growth reported as 6.1 percent in the first quarter, the lowest rate since China began issuing quarterly GDP statistics in 1992. The falloff is even more dramatic if we dig a bit beneath these numbers. China's National Bureau of Statistics reports GDP by comparing a quarter with the corresponding one during the preceding year. If, instead, it compared a quarter to the preceding one - as most countries do - it would have reported essentially no growth during the fourth quarter and, possibly, a contraction. And we have to remember that small manufacturers are suffering more than other producers, so current statistics still do not reflect the real drop-off in output. When other distortions in the statistics - some the result of fakery - are taken into account, it becomes clear that no economy is currently falling faster than China's.
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| 2 |
ID:
162061
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| 3 |
ID:
128418
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic weakness has driven Vladimir Putin's Russia into a "strategic entente" with the Chinese, who in turn get a powerful global ally. The alliance could prove formidable for the West.
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| 4 |
ID:
134096
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The history of the People's Republic, according to the dominant narrative, falls into two broad sections: the turbulent decades dominated by Mao Zedong, the founder of "New China," and the time of "reform and opening up" started by his successor, Deng Xiaoping. Now, however, the Chinese state has passed important political and economic inflection points. As a result, the third era of the People's Republic-an era of crisis and instability-has already begun.
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| 5 |
ID:
104302
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the beginning of 2011, Beijing repeatedly denied rumors that it was planning to send troops to North Korea. "Totally groundless," said Foreign Ministry spokesman Hong Lei, referring to reports in South Korean media that China had been holding discussions with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea about stationing of Chinese forces in the northeastern port of Rason. "China will not send a single soldier to other countries without the approval of the UN," the Defense Ministry said to the Global Times, a Communist Party-run paper.The denial was necessitated by South Korea's broadsheets, which had been carrying stories for months that Beijing was negotiating the entry of the People's Liberation Army into the DPRK, as the Kim family regime calls itself. In the most dramatic of the articles, the Chosun Ilbo reported in mid-January that sources said Chinese forces were already in North Korea. In the east, the reports stated, some fifty armored vehicles and tanks crossed the Tumen River at night about thirty miles from Rason in the middle of December. In the west, PLA jeeps in Dandong were seen heading to the North Korean city of Sinuiju, just south of the Yalu River, at about the same moment. If true, China's troops are back in the North for the first time since 1994, when they withdrew from Panmunjom, the truce village in the Demilitarized Zone
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| 6 |
ID:
115085
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As April passed into May this year, one electrifying story replaced another in the consciousness of the Chinese public. The first involved a ruthless official struggling for control of the ruling Communist Party and the second a solitary activist who, without this being his stated intention, challenged the one-party state from below. Soon, the two narratives began to merge, posing a threat of the first order to China's increasingly fragile political system.
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| 7 |
ID:
072071
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| 8 |
ID:
141404
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| Summary/Abstract |
Students in Hong Kong packed their tents, said goodbyes, and ended their occupation in the center of the city. Moments later, some seven thousand police officers, working two shifts over the course of seven hours, dismantled barriers, removed debris, and arrested two hundred and forty-seven protesters who chose to make a final statement by remaining. By the end of the seventy-fifth day of the noisy pro-democracy demonstrations, traffic was flowing by government headquarters on Connaught Road, where once more than a hundred thousand Hong Kong residents congregated in defiance of China.
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| 9 |
ID:
168036
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| Summary/Abstract |
SOME MISTAKES are repeated over the course of generations. For more than four decades, American presidents sought a closer relationship with China, working to “engage” that country so as to “enmesh” it into the international system. Richard Nixon, in his landmark Foreign Affairs article in 1967, provided the rationale for engagement, arguing the Chinese state could not be isolated. “Taking the long view,” he famously wrote then, “we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside the family of nations, there to nurture its fantasies, cherish its hates and threaten its neighbors.”
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| 10 |
ID:
095432
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
n October 1 last year, China's Communist Party celebrated the country's National Day, marking the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. As they did ten years before, senior leaders put on a military parade of immense proportions in their majestic capital of Beijing. Like the Olympic Games in 2008, the parade was a perfectly executed and magnificently staged spectacle, but instead of international fellowship, the theme was the power of China's ruling organization and the rise of the Chinese nation.
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| 11 |
ID:
143237
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CHOE RYONG-HAE, North Korea’s second- or third-ranked figure, did not attend a state funeral in November, and, more significantly, his name did not appear on the list of the event’s organizing committee. Choe’s sin? A water leak at the newly constructed Mount Paektu Hero Youth Power Station.
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| 12 |
ID:
148589
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JOHN J. MEARSHEIMER, the distinguished University of Chicago political scientist, argued in the National Interest two years ago that Taiwan had almost no hope of maintaining de facto independence. China, he made clear, will grow so strong in the coming decades that it will, as a regional hegemon, be able to evict the United States from East Asia, dominate its periphery and, one way or another, absorb the island that lies a mere hundred miles from its shores.
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| 13 |
ID:
138567
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| Summary/Abstract |
Only a few dozen protesters gathered to jeer Chen Deming, China’s point man on cross-strait relations, as he flew into Taiwan in December. Previously, violence and headline-grabbing incidents had marred the visits of high-ranking Beijing officials to the self-governing island, but for the most part this eight-day trip was uneventful.
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