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| 1 |
ID:
188653
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| 2 |
ID:
165711
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| Summary/Abstract |
For any state, the intricacies of its grand strategy impact its place in the global order. For those states that have the potential to become one of the world’s next superpowers, this strategy is the blueprint to achieve global dominance.
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| 3 |
ID:
192087
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As the US-China great power competition intensifies, public opinion polling may help gauge internal drivers of foreign policy decision-making. Using Pew Research Center data, the authors analyzed how American and Chinese respondents viewed their own and each other’s countries between 2008–2016. They further examined how American attitudes towards China varied by political affiliation between 2008–2019. Both Americans and the Chinese displayed ingroup bias (i.e. rating their own country more positively than the other) and viewed China as a challenger to US hegemony. However, while the Chinese exhibited higher levels of ingroup bias overall, there was no evidence of increasing bias over time. Meanwhile, Americans showed increasing ingroup bias, primarily due to their souring evaluations of China, a tendency that was strongest among Republicans.
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| 4 |
ID:
159629
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| 5 |
ID:
101673
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The unfavorable demographic situation in the region calls for an influx of labor migrants, which is an important factor of economic life. The drawing of foreign labor force contributes to the development of the local economy. Meanwhile, the presence of Chinese migrants in the region is insignificant so far, does not pose a threat to employment of the local people, and is not the cause of social problems.
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| 6 |
ID:
109387
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this issue of Chinese Law and Government and the previous (July-August 2011, vol. 44, no. 4) we include important laws on legislation on the national level, as with the previous issue, and the local levels, as with this issue. We have also included important background information related to the explanation of these laws. It is important to publish these two issues at this moment, as the Chinese government announced in 1997 that by the year 2010, China should have formed a comprehensive socialist legal system with Chinese characteristics. To be as truthful as possible in sketching this picture, we have decided to include original documents, that is, laws and the explanation of the making of these laws by the legislators, not analytical articles.
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| 7 |
ID:
126848
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russian scholars have presented a comprehensive picture of the history of Chinese in Russia from the mid-19th century to our days. The study of the modern Chinese migration has been carried on in such important fields as the economic activity of Chinese migrants, the problems of "Chinese demographic expansion," adaptation and tolerance, and educational migration. An increase of the volume of low-skilled Chinese labor in Russia on a temporary basis is predicted.
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| 8 |
ID:
158243
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The OBOR is a signature foreign policy initiative of Chinese leadership having a long term vision of establishing China as a world power. China is celebrating 100 th anniversary of Chinese Communist Party in 2021, 100th Anniversary of PLA in 2027, and 100th anniversary of communist rule in 2049, therefore the OBOR initiative is an attempt to revive the old glory of different Chinese Empires as well as to commemorate the epoch making events of the past century.
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| 9 |
ID:
190310
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There has been much discussion of Indonesia’s changing policies toward ethnic Chinese and the phenomenon of anti-Chinese sentiment. However, cases where Chinese Indonesians and native Indonesians live peacefully side by side are worth investigating. This paper explores the notable tolerance and maintenance of a relatively peaceful coexistence between the Sundanese and Chinese in areas with peaceful relations of long standing between their communities. In particular, we investigate the area called Kampung Toleransi (Kampong of Tolerance), an officially designated name of the City Government of Bandung in 2018. The results show that Kampung Toleransi is a symbol of a religious and ethnic harmony. We argue that it is self-evident that the two ethnicities are living harmoniously due to general tolerance of religious and ethnic differences. By maintaining peaceful coexistence, the two communities obtain mutual benefit.
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| 10 |
ID:
173172
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Since the turn of the millennium, the rapid development of China-Africa relations has facilitated large-scale migration between African countries and China. By reviewing the complex history of Chinese migration in South Africa – the most popular destination for Chinese migrating to the continent, this article highlights the changing and evolving forms of family among Chinese migrants in Africa. This article utilizes data from historical documents, personal memoirs, first-hand fieldwork, as well as secondary research. It argues that the changing forms of Chinese migrant families in South Africa have been shaped at different points in time by the capitalist economy, apartheid policies, and the internal dynamics of the Chinese diasporic communities. The new forms of familial arrangements have been critical in fight for social inclusion and security among Chinese migrants in South Africa.
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| 11 |
ID:
144375
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This article examines the mechanisms of conflict resolution by public deliberation in Chinese urban residential communities. The analysis focuses on the interactions between three key actors of community life: Residents’ Committees (as the agent of the state), residents, and their representative organizations. Based on empirical data from three types of urban communities, the article finds that deliberation is more effective in communities where the power of Residents’ Committees over residents is weak, and deliberation also works better in communities with strong resident representatives who are able to mobilize information flows and to shape public reasoning. The findings suggest that, on the one hand, the governance structure of Chinese urban residential communities provides space for informal, unstructured public deliberation; on the other hand, deliberation also meets obstacles and dilemmas associated with representation, coordination and fostering understanding across social and economic divisions.
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| 12 |
ID:
188435
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This study examines the records of urban social security in China between 1949 and 1988 to test the applicability of the popular theory on social security development, thereby elucidating the impact of a country’s politics on the modification of the design, operation, and transformation of its social security. This study complements existing theories and questions regarding the correlation between industrialisation and the development of social security and tests the utility of popular theories of social security development for understanding the Chinese case. In order to conduct cross-period comparison and identify the changes in China’s urban social security, the study period—namely, 1949 to 1988—is divided according to changes in the doctrine of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Focusing on the emergence of and modifications to China’s social security system before its reform in 1988, this study identifies the structural features and philosophy of its institutional design and analyses its development using statistical data. More specifically, this study reveals how changes in the doctrine of the CCP decisively impacted the development of China’s urban social security. In doing so, this study demonstrates a new means of predicting a country’s social security development.
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| 13 |
ID:
072118
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares and contrasts the Internet-based national identity projects of overseas Chinese and near abroad Russians. Our study, which is based on two diasporic communities of similar size and both characterized by a historical weakness of national identity, finds that while Internet use seems to be increasing nationalism and reifying national identity among the ethnic Chinese living in the Pacific Rim, it is paradoxically dampening nationalism and weakening national identity among the Russians living in post-Soviet space. Our thesis is that this divergence results from a combination of factors rooted in the real world, not the virtual. These factors include: the perceived benefits of stressing national identity in ingroup/outgroup interactions, conflicts or competition with other identity anchors, and the political and economic stature of their respective ethnic homelands.
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| 14 |
ID:
191777
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines enduring fears and anxieties about ‘Chineseness’ that widely and persistently circulate in the Philippine cultural imaginary. Chinese Filipinos have historically been implicated in a prejudicial politics of recognition within the Philippine postcolonial state, which has attempted to forge a national identity through problematic notions of ethnic and cultural purity. To undermine what Franz Fanon calls the pitfalls of national consciousness, scholars have often turned to concepts such as syncretism and hybridity, which celebrates heterogeneity and diversity as it opposes essentialism and purity. The agenda of this paper, however, is to examine the forces that generate obstacles to an affirmative politics of cultural assimilation and belonging. Toward that goal, we offer a symptomatic reading of the film Feng Shui (2004), which we suggest condenses anxieties about Chineseness that circulate in the Philippine cultural imaginary, anxieties that amplify difference and potentially undermine the reparative force of hybridity.
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| 15 |
ID:
093967
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although Singapore currently makes it impossible in the male descent line, departing from Chineseness has been a common phenomenon in Southeast Asian history. In modern nationalist times the paucity of alternative terms in Southeast Asian and European language has made the overused Cina a problematic label, impossible to detach from a very large northern neighbour and from many cultural stereotypes. Naturally many local-born and culturally hybrid citizens have sought to escape from it. The best documented mass case is the nineteenth century Philippines. Peranakan Indonesians have not found it so easy to shed this inappropriate label even though it has occasionally been wielded as a death threat. 'Outsider' status also has its uses. This presentation will be chiefly concerned with the obstacles for Peranakan in departing from Chineseness. It will argue nevertheless that many Indonesians are quietly succeeding in taking this path.
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| 16 |
ID:
170119
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In the late twentieth century, the Chinese communities in Indonesia and Malaysia were politically repressed. But recent events have prompted optimism that the Chinese communities in both countries could move forward and claim their rightful place as equal citizens. But while the Indonesian Chinese community appears to have made some headway, the situation in Malaysia has not improved, and in some ways, it is worse. We argue that institutional frameworks and political Islam are the main threats to political rights for the Chinese communities in both countries and that there are lessons to be learned from these neighboring nations.
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| 17 |
ID:
185978
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ethnicity refers to a group of people who share particular characteristics and identity in society. Being a member of an ethnicity means sharing values, power, and status of the corresponding group. Many studies have shown that ethnical differences exist in communities, but the empirical research on the ethnicities of Chinese and Portuguese in Macao, the very first city of China interacting with the West, is scant. This paper uses the multinomial logit model and presents evidence about the influence of ethnical characteristics on the educational attainment in Macao, China. Data are drawn from the Statistics and Census Service of the government of Macao China. The findings confirm that ethnical characteristics do affect educational attainment after controlling for age and gender. In addition, multiracial (Chinese and Portuguese) and Portuguese have higher educational attainment in general, however, the effects of ethnic characteristics are decreasing in young generations.
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| 18 |
ID:
144024
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As China asserts itself in its nearby seas [1] and Russia wages war in Syria [2] and Ukraine, it is easy to assume that Eurasia’s two great land powers are showing signs of newfound strength. But the opposite is true: increasingly, China and Russia flex their muscles not because they are powerful but because they are weak. Unlike Nazi Germany, whose power at home in the 1930s fueled its military aggression abroad, today’s revisionist powers are experiencing the reverse phenomenon. In China and Russia, it is domestic insecurity that is breeding belligerence. This marks a historical turning point: for the first time since the Berlin Wall fell [3], the United States finds itself in a competition among great powers.
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| 19 |
ID:
084050
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past fifteen years or so the history of ethnic deportations in the USSR has been an object of active studies. However, among many publications one can hardly find a special work devoted to the eviction of Chinese nationals from the Soviet Far East in 1938. The main reason for this is the difficulty to find the necessary sources. At present, there is a limited amount of declassified material, including the "special records" of the sessions of the Politburo of the CC AUCP(B),1 several orders of the NKVD of the USSR2 and individual documents in the archives of the Far East. They contain several directives of the central bodies of power and fragmentary information from certain places, but, unfortunately, there are no detailed accounts of the deportation as such and its results.
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| 20 |
ID:
178076
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents a theoretical framework on discursive nation-building processes in the Chinese and Taiwanese contexts by drawing on key notions in the discourse-theoretical account about identity construction, hegemonic articulation and myth-building, as proposed by prominent scholars of Discourse Theory, like Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (1985). The framework is based on existing literature as well as findings from two case studies about discourses belonging to two different epochs in Chinese history: (1) Chinese and Taiwanese media narratives about the 1997 Hong Kong handover, published between mid-June and mid-July 1997 and (2) Lectures on Nationalism, presented in 1924 by dr. Sun Yat-sen, an early proponent of Chinese nationalism.
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