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| 1 |
ID:
111040
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| 2 |
ID:
127642
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author looks at how the armed confrontation in Afghanistan affects the political and economic situation in Central Asia.
First, Afghanistan, which became a seat of international terrorism and religious extremism, as well as a foothold of the armed Tajik and Uzbek opposition in the 1990s, has developed into the real threat of a violent regime change in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. In Tajikistan, the U.N. and certain other regional countries acting as intermediaries have successfully integrated the opposition into the country's peaceful development. The Uzbek opposition fighting on the side of the Taliban has been considerably weakened by the international counterterrorist coalition.
A compromise was reached in Tajikistan through constitutional amendments that legalized the Islamic party; on the other hand, we cannot rule out the possibility that in a country with a predominant Muslim population, Islam, a legal political factor, might come to power through democratic elections (this has already happened in Egypt).
The leaders of Uzbekistan chose a different road: instead of negotiations and compromises, they squeezed the armed opposition out of the country to Afghanistan. Operation Enduring Freedom practically reduced to naught the threats of extremist attacks very real in 1999 and 2000.
The coming pull-out of the international coalition troops from Afghanistan and inevitable bout of civil war that will ensue are causing concern in the Central Asian states: their far from simple social and economic context might raise a high wave of Islamic radicalism.
Second, instability in Afghanistan prevents diversification of foreign economic ties; it makes the construction of southward highways and railways, as well as power lines and gas pipelines, impossible. Afghanistan remains an insurmountable barrier on the trade route between the Central Asian countries and Kazakhstan, on the one hand, and the South Asian and Middle Eastern countries, on the other, and (which is even more important) blocks access to their sea ports.
The counterterrorist operation that began in 2001 failed: the United States is pulling out of the country leaving behind the same "Afghan threat," which is causing the Central Asian states to look to Russia and China as possible guarantors of their security.
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| 3 |
ID:
072354
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| 4 |
ID:
073569
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| 5 |
ID:
129121
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| 6 |
ID:
127576
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Central Asia, religion is gradually coming to the fore in everyday life as a fairly integrated phenomenon with a wide range of functions: consolidation of ethnic self-awareness, shaping spiritual and moral culture together with the awareness of being part of a religious and the world community; fulfilling social functions through religious prescriptions; formulating the ideals of social justice, as well as man's duty to the state and the state's to man, etc.
Some of the functions, however, are internally contradictory: consolidation of the religious community does not always bring society together. In other words, in some cases religion might exacerbate the relations between the state and the religious part of society.
Religious consolidation not infrequently revives old problems and breeds disagreements inside society; conscientious believers often make too rigid demands of the state (which turns them into the opposition), while any encroachments on the religious principle of fairness may stir up protest feelings.
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| 7 |
ID:
118776
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| 8 |
ID:
178910
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| 9 |
ID:
178924
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| 10 |
ID:
155020
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| Summary/Abstract |
Today, ethnic separatism, religious extremism and terrorism pose a serious challenge to the integrity and unity of China. By upgrading and enhancing the economic status of the Uyghur, Beijing hopes to undermine their demand for an independent homeland. Pooja Pingua analyses China’s policies for combating domestic terrorism in Xinjiang.
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| 11 |
ID:
147743
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| Summary/Abstract |
The situation in the fight against terrorism in the PRC remains tense. The problem of opposition to religious extremism and separatism is. as before, one of the main tasks facing the Chinese leadership, and Beijing's steps in this sphere are becoming increasingly harsh, comprehensive, and high-tech.
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| 12 |
ID:
169928
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| Summary/Abstract |
China is fighting a tough battle against separatist terrorism perpetrated by militant Muslim Uyghurs in the far-western region of Xinjiang. De-radicalization is one of the policies the authorities in Xinjiang have recently taken to address the upsurge in terrorist violence. This paper consists of five parts. The first part deals with the background against which the de-radicalization strategy was conceived and developed. The second part discusses several major approaches to the strategy such as “five keys,” “four prongs,” “three contingents,” “two hands,” and “one rule.” The third part presents custodial, post-imprisonment, and social programs for targeting three groups of people: imprisoned radicals, released radicals, as well as those who are radicalized but not prosecuted. The fourth part describes programs for engaging communities in order to win over politically reliable people from civil society for support in de-radicalization. The last part draws a conclusion regarding the characteristics of, effectiveness of, controversies over, and future of the Chinese de-radicalization campaign.
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| 13 |
ID:
108209
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| 14 |
ID:
130786
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| 15 |
ID:
092645
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main policy reaction to the terrorist attacks of 7/7 and 21/7 of 2005 has been the development of the £6 million 'Preventing Violent Extremism' (PVE) initiative which aims, as part of the government's broader counter-terrorism strategy (CONTEST), to tackle support for, and the promotion of, violent Islamist ideologies within British society. One crucial component of this strategy is providing support for Muslim groups and individuals to tackle radicalisation and extremism directly at the local level. Funding and charitable status for mosques, Muslim community and youth groups and initiatives, 'forums against extremism', anti-extremism 'road shows', and the training of imams are included as part of this strategy. This article argues that this aspect of PVE is not only ill-advised, but potentially deeply counter-productive. It takes issue with two reasons that inform the PVE strategy: first, that what motivates individuals to join extremist groups are the religious ideas themselves; second, that government intervention or involvement is an effective method for rendering the moderate antidote attractive. Arguably, neither of these assumptions is warranted in the face of contrary evidence. Consequently, this arm of PVE is, at best, barking up the wrong tree; at worst, fuelling extremism.
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| 16 |
ID:
100392
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| 17 |
ID:
140373
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| 18 |
ID:
186249
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| Publication |
Oxon, Routledge, 2022.
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| Description |
x, 228p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9781032374314
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Copies: C:1/I:1,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location | IssuedTo | DueOn |
| 060205 | 327.5405491/SAB 060205 | Main | Issued | General | | RF100 | 10-Aug-2023 |
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| 19 |
ID:
129235
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| 20 |
ID:
157398
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the first years of independence, Uzbekistan began to develop and implement a policy of countering religious extremism and addressing the ideological basis of terrorism. Taking into consideration the complexity of this problem, Uzbekistan is comprehensively combating expressions of extremism and terrorism.
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