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| 1 |
ID:
085063
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| 2 |
ID:
078692
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article analyses the relationship between the Anglican Church of Rwanda and evangelical Episcopalians in the United States. In 2000, the archbishop of Rwanda, Emmanuel Kolini, in a move that gained great support for Rwanda's post-genocide recovery, ordained several bishops to preside over congregations of orthodox, evangelical Americans who had severed their relationship with the Episcopalian Church of the United States over issues such as the blessing of same-sex marriages and the ordination of openly gay clergy. The result was the creation of the Anglican Mission in the Americas, a missionary province in the United States that acknowledges Kolini as its archbishop. Such actions have made Rwanda the current cause célèbre not only of AMIA but the wider evangelical community. While the relationship offers great support for Rwanda's recovery, the Anglican Church has presented to American evangelicals a misleading narrative of Rwanda's past and present political situation
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| 3 |
ID:
149269
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The 1941 Anglo-Soviet occupation of Iran is a topic that continues to interest historians. Work on this period has mainly focused on the reasons behind the occupation and its impact on the political situation in the country. This article looks at the psyche of the occupying forces by studying their propaganda tactics during this period. It was through propaganda that both were able to manipulate local players to either further their own interests or damage the reputation of the other. Such tactics were reflective of the dynamic nature of British‒Soviet relations and had a direct consequence on the politics of Iran. A key aspect of this was the British machine’s promotion of the Tudeh Party’s legacy as a tool of the Soviets. The propaganda patterns reveal the reactive nature of the occupying force’s policy in Iran, and reflected their changing interests.
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| 4 |
ID:
141984
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| Publication |
California, Stanford University Press, 1968.
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| Description |
xi, 274p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 001893 | 951.042/SLY 001893 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
147762
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Adarsh Books, 2014.
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| Description |
xxiii, 336p.: tables, maps, figureshbk
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| Standard Number |
9788183631198
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058822 | 954.5496/BHA 058822 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
115911
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| 7 |
ID:
133814
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the state-church relationship in China entered a new phase. This article, which is substantially based on party reports and archival documents, attempts to reconstruct and assess the party-state's policy on Protestant Christianity from 1949 until the eve of the Anti-Rightist Movement in 1957. The focus is not on the repeated dichotomy between 'state' and 'religion' but explores multiplicity and interaction as two possible aspects of the church-state relationship. The article investigates the following questions: what were the factors influencing the formation and development of the Communist Party of China's (CPC) policy on Protestant Christianity after the establishment of the PRC? Were there multiple actors within the party-state and Protestant Christianity? What kinds of relationships existed between the party-state and Protestant Christianity? Particular attention is given to how the CPC chose between 'struggle' (douzheng) and 'unity' (tuanjie) when dealing with Protestant Christianity under ideological constraints and complex political situations.
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| 8 |
ID:
090173
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the early hours of 28 June, Honduran troops stormed the residence of President Manuel Zelaya and, agter a brief stand-off, detained the president and put him on a plane bound for Costa Rica. Later the same day, the president of congress, Roberto Micheletti-a member of Zelaya's Liberal Party (Partido Liberal de Honduras: PL)- was sworn in as interim president.Micheletti said he would remain in office until after presidential elections scheduled for 25 November.
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| 9 |
ID:
158788
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| 10 |
ID:
110047
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2011.
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As the 18th congress of the CPC, which is supposed to renovate the leadership of the ruling party and adopt programmatic directives on the crucial questions of the country's development for the period up to 2020, is drawing closer, a dialogue and confrontation between various ideological and political groups (both between themselves and with central power and various groupings within it) tend to intensify. The left-wing forces and their liberal or social-democratic opponents take an active part in rivalry.
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| 11 |
ID:
072567
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| 12 |
ID:
139935
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Manohar Publications, 1981.
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| Description |
xv, 465p.: ill., mapshbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044086 | 954.02/VAR 044086 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
139934
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Manohar Publications, 1985.
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| Description |
xii, 1177-1685p. hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. II, Part. II
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044087 | 954.02/VAR 044087 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 14 |
ID:
123373
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India-Afghanistan jointly presents a great potential of trade relationship but seeing the turbulent nature of Afghanistan's political situation, it is extremely difficult to anticipate the future of it. Historically, India's presence in Afghanistan has been extremely strong in many fields such as cultural, economic and political in the past but for last few decades, fluctuations in the relationship of any kind has been hanging in balance and dependent upon the external forces operating there to establish their control for a grip on the eco-political activities.
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| 15 |
ID:
170602
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This article attempts to analyze the current political situation in Libya through the activities of the main actors and a net of opportunistic interactions they create on the national and international levels. The paper scrutinizes Libya’s three governments and the tribal factor, and also considers the role of neocons who have recently entered the political milieu and claim their stakes in the future of the country. An attempt is made to look at international relations theories, specifically the realist conception and the liberal interdependence narrative, and their holistic approach to the state, through the lens of their applicability to the Libyan case, in order to understand the Libyan puzzle and forecast its future development. The study also includes an analysis of the diversity of national and international centers of power in Libya, including existing tribes and clans, and their involvement in the crisis. An effort is made to formulate relevant arguments for future debate, which, in our opinion, is inevitable.
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| 16 |
ID:
076597
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| 17 |
ID:
115494
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| 18 |
ID:
130218
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political situation in the Maghreb in the first decade of the twenty-first century presented a vivid image of enforced stability under authoritarian regimes that gave hardly any hint of changing in the short to medium term. The Moroccan monarchy had successfully engineered a fragmented and ineffective political system that was not posing any concrete challenge to its rule. The military-backed Algerian regime had restored the effectiveness of its institutional apparatus through a combination of repression, diversion of oil rents, and divide-and-rule political tactics. The regime of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia had effectively turned into a police state that did not let any kind of organized opposition challenge the established authoritarian "pact." (In Tunisia, this implicit understanding amounted to stability, provision of state services, and opportunities for personal advancement in exchange for political quiescence.)
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| 19 |
ID:
113603
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| 20 |
ID:
117035
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the tourism development between Taiwan and China over the last three decades under different political situation. First, Taiwan's democratization in the 1980s made the control over outbound travel to China no longer necessary. Meanwhile, the Taiwanese visitors were welcomed at the time when China's foreign currency was in deficiency. Second, the opening up of mainland Chinese visitors to Taiwan since 2008 marked another breakthrough in the Cross-Strait tourism development. However, as the opening up of Chinese tourists to Taiwan is based on the same "political consensus" between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and KMT in Taiwan, any dissimilar political agreements in the future may lead China to constrain the number Chinese tourists to the island. Third, the rapidly growing number of Chinese tourists brought much business benefit to the various tourism sectors in Taiwan. Nonetheless, the contribution to Taiwan's economy is in doubt due to the insignificant tourism sector in Taiwan's overall economy. From the current perspective, the tourism development across the Strait is more politically symbolic than substantive.
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