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| 1 |
ID:
118002
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that rather than being an emancipatory step for the EU, the Common Security and Defence Policy in its current format represents a continuation of US strategic hegemony. Using a neo-Gramscian model of hegemony, by considering both civilian and military aspects of CSDP, the article shows how US ability to export its strategic doctrine to EU member states is undiminished. It argues that respect for US military achievements is a key reason for this, but that this may lead EU states to make poor strategic decisions, which moreover may lack political and public legitimacy.
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| 2 |
ID:
072796
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| Publication |
2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Almost unnoticed, over the past five years the French government has altered its attitude towards American missile defence plans. The country's most important defence firms are taking part in the technical development of National Missile Defense, even though the political elite have yet to publicly announce their participation in the programme. This paradox can only be understood through an analysis of the specifics of French security culture. The arms industry enjoys a central place in the formulation of French security and defence policy, thanks to Paris' insistence on its quest for security autonomy. French thinking on defence has also moved closer to that of America. But these policy shifts have to be protected from the accusation of being too dependent on or too close to the United States, as a refusal to accept subordination to Washington is also part of French security culture. At present, therefore, this policy U-turn is being strategically and linguistically reconstructed as a genuine French project.
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| 3 |
ID:
122264
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While German commentators and politicians are primarily concerned with the economic impact of a possible 'Brexit' and the loss of a partner in EU economic negotiations, David Cameron's speech has also raised questions about the future of European security. For some in Berlin, the CSDP is unworkable without British participation; for others, the removal of the British veto would enable progress on CSDP institutions, long desired by Berlin. Here, Kempin and Mawdsley explore the apparent contradictions in German security policy, and the (possibly unwelcome) opportunities a Brexit might open up for Germany in relation to the CSDP.
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