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| 1 |
ID:
191041
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE myth of the indestructibile primacy of Western countries - former metropolises in world affairs, including on the African continent - is crumbling day by day, proving its groundlessness. The colossus's feet turned out to be clay, unable to stand the test of time. Today, the West is at a loss over Russia's practical steps to strengthen friendly relations with the states of Africa and the East in the name of international security and cooperation for the benefit of all peoples.1.
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| 2 |
ID:
111811
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| 3 |
ID:
079968
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| 4 |
ID:
132336
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent work on borders has tended to overlook border control actors, practices and rationalities in West Africa. States in this region are considered origin and transit countries for irregular migration, and the Sahel region that they straddle is widely seen as an emerging haven of terrorist activity. This article discusses one response to these migration and terrorism threats by the Islamic Republic of Mauritania: a programmme to build new border posts with help from global partners that include the European Union and the International Organization for Migration. The article builds on Bourdieusian approaches in critical security studies, but draws on concepts from actor-network theory to account for the heterogeneity of border control actors and the mobility of different knowledges about how to control borders. Drawing on ethnographic research in Mauritania, the article discusses four 'actants' of border security: the border posts, the landscape, the biometric entry-exit system and training practices. Throughout, the article highlights field dynamics of competition, cooperation and pedagogy, also emphasizing the role of non-human agency. The article concludes with a reflection on the link between border control and statebuilding, suggesting that this fusion is a broader paradigm of security provision in the global South.
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| 5 |
ID:
163080
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This article contributes to the Global International Relations project by critically evaluating the roles ascribed to Europe and the EU by Levitsky and Way in their model for explaining regime transitions. Focusing primarily on their international dimensions of linkage and leverage, it assesses both the normative geopolitical underpinnings and explanatory power of their thesis, drawing on the North African cases of Tunisia and Mauritania at the start of the Arab Spring to illustrate and substantiate its observations and arguments. It concludes that the EU’s failure to discipline either country’s competitive authoritarian regime raises important questions about the validity of the privileged role in which they cast Europe.
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| 6 |
ID:
154242
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rise of Islamism following the Arab Spring has renewed interest in the democratic credibility of Islamist parties and movements. Focusing on the case of Mauritania's Islamists this article analyses the validity of the moderation hypothesis and argues that for some Islamist parties, moderation, when historically situated, has always been a key trait. The case of Mauritanian Islamism is interesting because it takes place within an intellectual and geographical place that straddles both the Arab world and sub-Saharan Africa, therefore providing insights on how Islamism has become an influential ideological framework in both worlds, that are much less separate than superficially believed.
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| 7 |
ID:
072838
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A military coup abruptly ended Ould Taya's authoritarian regime in Mauritania, one of the longest-running regimes in West Africa. The bloodless coup broke a dangerous political impasse and stopped what seemed to be a slide towards breakdown and violence. Using the democratization literature, this article explains its root causes and evaluates the prospects for the establishment of a genuine democracy after two decades of a repressive military and then quasi-military regime. It argues that several variables combined to seal the regime's fate. These are essentially the deeply flawed, tribally based, make-believe democracy, Ould Taya's own troubled personality, and finally, the security apparatus's withdrawal of its backing. The article also argues that the new military junta's first decisions appear encouraging enough but that its determination to keep a tight control over the transition process and avoid the fundamental aspects of Mauritania's malaise may jeopardize genuine long-term democratization.
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| 8 |
ID:
129325
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| 9 |
ID:
086851
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Bogue, Mauritania- The border region between Mauritania and Senegal is a marshy green stretch of the Senegal River Valley on the southern edge of the Sahara, where the Arab world meets black Africa. The town of Bogue is a bustling trading outpost of low-slung, camel-colored office blocks flanked by tin-roof shops and crowded tenements.
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| 10 |
ID:
188821
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| Summary/Abstract |
Located in northwest Africa, Western Sahara was under Spanish occupation from 1884–1975. Some of the world’s richest fishing waters can be found in Western Sahara. It also holds one of the world’s most extensive phosphates reserves. Since 1975, Morocco has been de facto governing over 80% of the land known as the Moroccan Sahara. Polisario Front, backed by Algeria, has been fighting for the independent Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Despite an UN-mediated ceasefire in 1991 for a referendum for self-determination and the presence of Mission for the Organization of a Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to oversee the process, the referendum never took place. In December 2020, President Trump recognized Moroccan claim over Western Sahara in exchange for a normalization deal between Morocco and Israel. While President Biden’s administration now appears to support Trump’s policy tacitly, the Ukraine crisis has provided Algeria with a fresh opportunity. Algeria is Europe’s biggest gas exporter in Africa. Moreover, it is also a strong ally of Russia. As Spain backed Morocco’s proposition to create an autonomous Western Sahara territory under Moroccan control, this change of position will undoubtedly disturb the North-African diplomatic equilibrium, and the implications could be dangerous.
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