|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
126202
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
156718
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2017.
|
| Description |
xii, 157p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
9789386618054
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059232 | 320.56/PRA 059232 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 059233 | 320.56/PRA 059233 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
120780
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The contest between Saudi Arabia and Iran played out in Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, postwar Iraq and, to a lesser extent, Yemen and Bahrain, has shaped the geopolitics of the region since the 2003 US invasion and occupation of Iraq. The Arab uprisings intensified this geopolitical contest and spread it to Syria. The sectarianisation of the region's geopolitical battles, and the instrumental use of some of the uprisings for geopolitical ends, has hardened sectarian sentiments across the region, complicated post-authoritarian democratic transitions, and, at least in Syria's case, transformed its popular uprising into a veritable civil war.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
169275
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Relying on an ethnographic research conducted both in the UK and Iraq, this article explores issues of cultural and religious identities among London-based young British Iraqi Shiis. Using Stuart Hall’s notions of ‘articulation’ and ‘new ethnicities’, I analyse how different realities and experiences of space and class shape young British Iraqi Shiis self-identification in relation to socio-political, religious and ethnic belongings.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
172449
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Based on interviews with Lebanese in over 150 mixed-religion marriages and their extended family members, I argue that sect may conceal or stand in for other forms of difference, including ideas about status and hierarchy related to class and regional origin in Lebanon. Because it is the most readily available discourse for understanding social difference, parents often use sectarian rhetoric to describe their concerns about a variety of problems they see in their children's chosen partners. By listening between the lines of parental objections, I suggest that expressions of bias against people of other sects may mask concerns with other forms of social difference, in effect reducing a complex and shifting social field of multiple axes of difference into sect. Rather than assume sectarianism's a priori importance, this approach allows me to bring other discourses of difference and analytic lenses to the foreground.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
156897
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Unionist politicians have argued that Republican political violence on the Irish border, during both the partition of Ireland and more recent Northern Ireland conflict, constituted ethnic cleansing and genocide against the Protestant/Unionist community in those areas. These views have been bolstered by an increasingly ambivalent scholarly literature that has failed to adequately question the accuracy of these claims. This article interrogates the ethnic cleansing/genocide narrative by analysing Republican violence during the 1920s and the 1970s. Drawing from a wide range of theoretical literature and archival sources, it demonstrates that Republican violence fell far short of either ethnic cleansing or genocide, (in part) as a result of the perpetrators’ self-imposed ideological constraints. It also defines a new interpretive concept for the study of violence: functional sectarianism. This concept is designed to move scholarly discussion of political and sectarian violence beyond the highly politicised and moral cul-de-sacs that have heretofore characterised the debate, and has implications for our understanding of political violence beyond Ireland.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
188641
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses the history of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, the largest Shī‘ī Islamist organization within the exiled Iraqi opposition movement, as a case study to delineate how the meaning, function, and salience of sectarian identities are affected by political and social changes at the local, regional, and international level. To this end, this work identifies and explains a discursive shift observed in SCIRI’s publications produced during its tenure as an Iraqi opposition group. Whereas SCIRI’s publications during the Iran-Iraq War emphasized that its brand of Islamic government would represent all Iraqis regardless of their religious or ethnic affiliation, following the war’s conclusion the Council strove to portray its leaders as the primary defenders of Shī‘ī interests in Iraq and focused near exclusively on the need to protect the rights of Iraq Shī‘ī. It argues that several key developments account for the Supreme Council’s adoption of a Shī‘ī-centric political stance during the 1990s, namely: the internationalization and unification of the Iraqi opposition movement in the aftermath of the 1991 March Uprisings and the post-Cold War environment within which the exiled Iraqi opposition was operating. When considered collectively, beyond demonstrating the contingency and complexity of the advent of Shī‘ī identity politics within Iraqi opposition circles throughout the 1990s, these findings suggest the importance of taking into consideration larger, global trends as contributing factors when conceptualizing how subnational forms of identification acquire heighted social and political salience.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
097900
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In plural societies, social welfare can be a terrain of political contestation, particularly when public welfare functions are underdeveloped and ethnic or religious groups provide basic social services. It is well established that such organizations favor in-group members, but under what conditions do they serve out-group communities? To address this question, the authors compare the welfare programs of the predominantly Sunni Muslim Future Movement and the Shia Muslim Hezbollah in Lebanon. Although they operate under the same institutional rules and economic contexts and boast the largest welfare programs in their respective communities, the Future Movement aims to serve a broader array of beneficiaries, including non-Sunnis, whereas Hezbollah focuses more exclusively on Shia communities. Based on analyses of an original data set of the spatial locations of welfare agencies, qualitative data from interviews with providers and beneficiaries, and case studies of areas where the two parties established and did not establish welfare agencies, the authors argue that distinct political mobilization strategies-whether electoral or nonelectoral-explain different patterns of service delivery across the two organizations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
172181
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Recent terror attacks across Europe have raised concerns about the issue of “radicalisation” amongst sections of the Islamic populations and how it might be successfully prevented. Drawing on the growing literature analysing “radicalisation” and applying the experiences of Northern Ireland over the past half-century, this paper argues that there is a need to move away from current discourses around radicalism and to explain the extremism that manifests itself in violent actions within the parameters of sectarianism. Arguing that this sectarianism is grounded in long-term processes of “Othering,” the paper will contend that there is a need for Western governments to recognise and address long-held grievances and fears within the Islamic community in order to reduce the threat of violence.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
166583
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2016.
|
| Description |
ix, 202p.: table, figureshbk
|
| Standard Number |
9789383649709
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059681 | 327.53/KUM 059681 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
153225
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2017.
|
| Description |
ix, 322p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
9789386288042
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059116 | 320.5570956/ASH 059116 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
173947
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article embraces Maya Mikdashi and Jasbir Puar’s recent recommendation ‘for a politics in queer theory that works to displace the United States as the prehensive force for everyone else’s future’ in order to ponder the scope and reach of queer theory through/as area studies (Middle East).1 The article draws upon personal experiences and narratives of homo-desiring men and women in/from Lebanon who perform hetero married life while pursuing same-sex desire elsewhere, in order to conceive ‘different normativity’ and ‘nomadic unions.’ The article posits ‘strategic nomadic marriages’ as a fluctuating and unsteady type of union that accommodates the particularity of the ‘sex/gender systems’ of global south societies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
148667
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Until recently, Iran has been economically isolated by way of sanctions, preempting investment opportunities with states allied with the United States. However, the Obama administration’s recent effort towards economic normalization with Iran affords it with unprecedented commercial possibilities, and per the focus of this article, legalized commercial enterprising within Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States—across sectarian tensions and fault lines. From both a legal and practical prism, this article investigates the recent lifting of sanctions, which opens the door for Iran’s investment within neighboring states including the GCC. Subsequently, it analyzes how commercial investment and the reciprocal advancement of economic interests offers a promising pathway toward eroding political standoffs, economic inequities, and the politicization of sectarianism. In closing, the article addresses salient challenges that may hinder the potential of this economic rapprochement, and ways forward.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
160675
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study introduces ‘eco-sectarianism’, which is a new concept that explains the relationship between sectarian violence and environmental pressures in divided societies in the Middle East. Against the backdrop of climate change, ‘eco-sectarianism’ poses a challenge to many fragmented and unequal societies where the sense of national consciousness is weak and nation-building projects are incomplete. This paper draws attention to the links between politicisation of sub-national identities and emerging ecological challenges in Syria.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
140298
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that anti-Shi‘ism is simply one component in a strategy to justify and enforce Egypt’s security policies and regional leadership goals. An examination of Egyptian press coverage of the 2009 discovery of a Hizbullah cell in Egypt illustrates a process through which Shi‘ism is initially identified as a sectarian threat, but then “de-Arabized” through linkage with Iran. Despite being an Arab organization, Egyptian media portray Hizbullah as a non-Arab challenge to the Arab world’s stability, more than a Shi‘i challenge to Sunnism or a security threat. This indicates that Egypt’s traditional foreign policy of defending Arab interests is more important than sectarianism in conceptualizing threats to its security.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
130822
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Till recently when India passed through its l6th general Elections, the election Commission of India appealed Indian citizens to select candidates and dump the criminals and the corrupt ones. It also urged the voters to sign a pledge to be ethical while casting their votes in the coming Lok Sabha elections. The Election Commission also appealed the voters to cast their votes without fear or greed, and without keeping caste, religion and creed consideration in mind. The commission's letter also stated that electing a candidate is not merely a citizen's right but his/her responsibility. Ethics and morality have been the hallmark of public life in India since ancient times. Rulers were expected to observe stricter ethical values. Ethics and politics, in other words, were inseparable. This ethical and moral legacy was inherited by its national leaders, who demonstrated a high degree of probity and honesty in public life during the freedom struggle. The early national leaders and political philosophers believed that politics without morality is a thing to be voided. However, in recent years there is a general feeling that all is not well with the Indian political system which is functioning under great strain. It has been noticed and concerns are being expressed over the general decline of values in public life. Recent trends in politics, however, appear to have created an impression as if, the capacity of Indian democratic system to ensure integrity in public life is increasingly going down.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
182846
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
From the dawn of the 1978–79 Iranian Revolution until the consolidation of Hizbullah in the late 1980s, a network of Iranian, Lebanese, and Palestinian clerics played a crucial role in spreading the revolution to Lebanon and laying the groundwork for Hizbullah. Whereas the historiography of the post-1979 Iran–Lebanon relationship is overwhelmingly focused on Hizbullah, the present study, by drawing on oral history interviews with these clerics and archival materials, contends that the Iranian Revolution came to Lebanon primarily through these Shi‘i and Sunni clerics, who joined ranks and established the Association of Muslim ‘Ulama’ in Lebanon in the wake of the 1982 Israeli invasion. This study argues that these clerics modeled their struggle on the ‘ulama’-led and mosque-based example of the 1978–79 revolution, which this paper describes as the Khomeinist script, to transcend sect to seed a revolution in Lebanon and mass mobilize against the invasion. This article concludes that the ecumenical script was highly appealing to non-Shi‘i Islamists, a key factor in the success of exporting the revolution and the rise of Hizbullah in Lebanon.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
131785
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper adds to the growing literature on transnational Shi?ism which has so far mostly focused on social history and political contestations. By tracing the thought, transnational legacy, and ultimate failure of the reformist Shi?i scholar, Muhammad al-Khalisi (d. 1963), I argue for the crucial importance of local contexts and ideas for the genesis of Islamic modernist projects. In his native Iraq, al-Khalisi not only distinguished himself as a guerrilla fighter and political activist but also was shaped by prevailing notions about the compatibility of Islam and science. Exiled to Iran for his opposition to the British from 1922 to 1949, he encountered there specific medicalizing discourses on modernity. This exposure and his experience as a practitioner of medicine in the Iranian countryside led al-Khalisi to identify medicine as the master key to unlocking the secrets of the divine law, the shari?a: his major work on Islamic law singles out human health as God's supreme concern. Back in Iraq during the 1950s, al-Khalisi's medical-scientific vision of modernity was finally complemented with an uncompromising call for intra-Muslim unity. This stance led to furious attacks against al-Khalisi which continue unabated in contemporary Pakistan where his name has become a term of abuse.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
172444
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study presents an Islamic vision of Jerusalem marked not so much by interreligious conflict but by intrareligious or sectarian concern. It does so by reexamining the decision of the Ismāʿīlī Fāṭimid caliph al-Ḥākim to destroy the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the year 1009 as recorded in al-Maqrīzī’s Lessons for True Believers in the History of the Fatimid Imams and Caliphs. In the process, it considers the influence that a mosque built in honor of the second caliph ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb, conqueror of Jerusalem, may have had during the Fāṭimid era. The article also considers another significant event in Jerusalem recorded by the Crusader-era bishop William of Tyre, in which the Fāṭimid caliph al-Mustanṣir, fearing a Sunnī Saljūq advance on the city, forced the Christians of Jerusalem to build part of the city wall in the early 1060s. The work also looks briefly at the The Pillars of Islam, the main legal work of the formative Fāṭimid jurist al-Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān, to help demonstrate the connection between intrareligious and interreligious tension present in Fāṭimid thought. More generally, this article engages with and adds to a growing body of literature on religious identity formation, which seeks to understand the process of how a community goes about forming its religious identity in the context of surrounding influences as well as through its internal development.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
177692
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Religious discourse has a fundamental impact on sectarian violence, stability and sovereignty across the Gulf region. Amidst an increasingly volatile political and social situation, fatwas serve as a prominent factor in the behaviour and beliefs of individuals and groups across the Gulf. Fatwas have long been a source of great interest in religious studies and international law yet very little work has been undertaken in politics. This article aims to analyse the impact of fatwas from Shiʿi and Sunni clerics in the promotion of sectarian violence across Bahrain in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. In this article, it will be argued that religious discourse has a significant impact in determining the nature of the political relationship between the components of society in Bahrain. We argue that fatwas serve a key role in regulating life across the island and, in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings, in facilitating sectarian violence.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|