Srl | Item |
1 |
ID:
159784
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Conspiracies play a significant role in world politics. States often engage in covert operations. They plot in secret, with and against each other. At the same time, conspiracies are often associated with irrational thinking and delusion. We address this puzzle and highlight the need to see conspiracies as more than just empirical phenomena. We argue that claims about conspiracies should be seen as narratives that are intrinsically linked to power relations and the production of foreign policy knowledge. We illustrate the links between conspiracies, legitimacy and power by examining multiple conspiracies associated with 9/11 and the War on Terror. Two trends are visible. On the one hand, US officials identified a range of conspiracies and presented them as legitimate and rational, even though some, such as the alleged covert development of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, are now widely considered false. On the other hand, conspiracies circulating in the Arab-Muslim world were dismissed as irrational and pathological, even though some, like those concerned with the covert operation of US power in the Middle East, were based on credible concerns.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2 |
ID:
118023
|
|
|
Publication |
2013.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Conspiracy theory has come up frequently in general media commentary around the Occupy Wall Street movement. For all their good intentions, Occupy is hampered by a paranoid style of populism that sees nefarious elites behind everything - or so the story goes.1 This paper takes the conspiracy discourse around Occupy as an entry point into the underlying dynamics of power and interpretation that help set the conditions of possibility for dissent in the liberal context.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 |
ID:
161193
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
In the aftermath of the First World War, British officials had difficulty understanding the elusive forces behind the Anatolian resistance movement. They anxiously assumed that Kemalists were being controlled by the Unionist leaders in exile and that they were part of an international conspiracy. In this confusion, the fugitive Unionist leaders received disproportionate attention and credit in British intelligence reports, with critical consequences for their political sense-making and decision-making. I argue that the preconception of ‘Young Turks’ in general as well as assumptions about Unionist leaders’ alleged and actual activities after 1918 were crucial for British officialdom's policies towards the Anatolian resistance movement.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4 |
ID:
119559
|
|
|
5 |
ID:
078807
|
|
|
Publication |
2007.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Normally conspiracy theories remain at the margins of a culture. But when conspiracism moves from the margins to the center, and from passive responses to active ones-Nazis and communists in the twentieth century-it can produce convulsions of paranoia and violence that leave tens of millions dead. After World War II, Western culture appeared to have definitively marginalized conspiracy theory. And yet, at the turn of the twenty-first century, there has been an aggressive rise in (traditional) Muslim conspiracism, and a remarkable vulnerability to conspiracy theory in the West. In response to 9/11, a "postmodern" and politically-correct conspiracism has developed that reverses the normal pattern: it accuses "us" and exonerates "them." Thus highly self-critical Westerners acknowledge the accusations of paranoid jihadists. As always with modern conspiracy thinking, the Jews, especially the Zionists, stand at the center of the storm
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
6 |
ID:
146711
|
|
|
Contents |
Examining scholarly literature on the recent and ongoing changes in the Arab world, this article makes a comparative analysis of the conceptual definitions of social, political and non-political revolutions to draw certain themes and explains regional events in the light of various ideological and sociological theories. It concludes that most Arab states are trapped in the conundrum of authoritarian rule or chaos and remain hostages of the secular military or Islamist “deep state” oligarchies.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
7 |
ID:
111884
|
|
|
Publication |
2012.
|
Summary/Abstract |
Russia has sharply objected to US plans for ballistic missile defense. The Russian official explanation is that the real purpose of the US missile defense plan is to make it impossible for Russia to retaliate against a US nuclear (or massive conventional) attack, thus making Russia subject to military blackmail by the US. The Russian response has been the result of a sum total of various factors, mostly political and cultural, while the technical capabilities of the proposed system have played a secondary role.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
8 |
ID:
147888
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
Concerns about lying and sincerity in politics are common in most societies, as are concerns about conspiracy theories. But in the occupied Palestinian territory, these concerns give rise to particular kinds of effects because of the conditions of Israeli occupation. Political theorists often interpret opacity claims and conspiracy theories as responses to social disorder. In occupied Palestine, disorder and instability are standard. Opacity claims and conspiracy theories therefore require a different kind of analysis. Through an examination of the semiotic ideology of sincerity, especially as it has emerged in the conflict between Fatah and Hamas, this article argues that opacity claims act as a form of nationalist pedagogy, at once reinforcing the basic principles of sincerity of action and word, and encouraging a wariness of political spin.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
9 |
ID:
189827
|
|
|
Summary/Abstract |
The article analyzes the QAnon phenomenon and the anti-vaxxer movement
of COVID-19 deniers1 as typological manifestations of conspiratorial
“alternative rationality.” A number of hypotheses have been proposed:
during a pandemic and a parallel infodemic, conspiracy thinking quickly
becomes transboundary; all conspiracy theories share certain features; they
are discursive (according to Foucault) and underlain by the question of
power; growing public distrust of the government is one of the fundamental reasons for the popularity of conspiracy theories. The article proves that
the transboundary nature of information contributes to the global spread
of conspiracy theories, but they cannot be universalized because they have
local specifics in each country (region).
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
10 |
ID:
073090
|
|
|