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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
178887
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through studying a revenge murder triggered by a land dispute in China and the subsequent trial, this article explores “narrative transformation” in a social drama and proposes an event-based model for authoritarian deliberation. It argues that an obscure murder rose to prominence because it came to be narrated as a different kind of story. Initially viewed as “a normal killing,” it was transformed to represent a “contest” between a law-and-order frame, which emphasizes individual guilt, and a righteous-revenge frame, which symbolizes wider conflicts. The article also contends that in the absence of an institutionalized issue forum, contentious events present a model for authoritarian deliberation. That is to say, deliberation is often pegged to social dramas on the “judicial periphery,” thanks to a liminal phase inviting reflexivity, and exposes elite dissent that is otherwise veiled by an interest-driven alliance. In this case study, the media engaged with other institutions in contentious performances that affirmed hidden social fault-lines but also encouraged deliberation.
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| 2 |
ID:
073385
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The conflict between the State of Israel and the Negev Bedouin over land is not new; State vs. nomadic land ownership is an on-going dispute originating as early as the Ottoman Empire. Illegal construction and land use are its widespread expressions, making it difficult for the State to supply basic needs to its citizens. Furthermore, the dispute creates obstacles to the development of the Negev for the benefit of all its inhabitants. This article will try to lay out the Government's approach, as the author perceives it, to the resolution of the land dispute, through reaching financial settlements with various Bedouin individuals and tribes. Monetary and land compensation have both been offered, along with the revival of the Land Title Settlement procedure, as part of a new Government policy.
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| 3 |
ID:
141902
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the role of media-led dissent in Vietnam's contemporary land struggles. The analysis focuses on Vietnamese-language material published online by domestic and foreign media about the so-called Văn Giang incident – a high-profile land dispute that shook the country between 2009 and 2012. Looking at how the media treated this incident broadens studies of land struggles in Vietnam, which up till now have focused on peasants’ resistance strategies. This case not only shows that media practitioners engage in dissent with regard to land politics, but also that they engage in more straightforward criticism of the state and its corporate redevelopment partners than what most analyses of rural land struggles in Vietnam, centered on the micro-level and on “lawful” (O'Brien) forms of resistance, would lead one to believe. Illustrating this point, the author shows that media dissent throughout the Văn Giang land dispute openly challenged the government's justificatory discourse about “displacement for development” as well as the mismanagement of land resources on which political and economic elites rely to dispossess peasants from peri-urban lands. If it has not yet provoked major institutional changes, the media's contribution to land struggles has nevertheless succeeded in creating a genuine, national public debate on land politics in rapidly urbanizing Vietnam.
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| 4 |
ID:
134439
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, there have been no national protest movements in the People's Republic of China (PRC). This is the longest period in the history of the PRC without a major national protest movement. Nonetheless, the number of small, local protests or “mass incidents” (as they are termed by the Chinese government) has increased from 9,000 a year in 1994 to over 180,000 in 2010. Most of these incidents target local party and government agencies and/or local firms. Protests by peasants are often motivated by land confiscation by local governments, while worker protests are often over firm treatment of works (including pay, benefits, and job security). More general protests arise over what participants perceive as unfair and illegal extractions of fines, fees, and other payments by local government and party units. We present a theoretical argument on how grievances and mobilization capacity affect the likelihood of protests occurring in a locale. We then test propositions derived from this theory with provincial level data for the period 1995–2010. This study represents one of the first to test predictors of the frequency of mass incidents at the province level.
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