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| 1 |
ID:
116897
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
International Relations ( ir ) scholars and students are often presented with four (sometimes five) 'great debates' that characterise the 'state of the discipline'. However, Robert Cox's 1981 article in Millennium simplified the discussion into two binaries: problem-solving theory vs critical theory. While this configuration has been influential, it has inhibited the reflexivity, complexity, as well as the multidisciplinary nature of the discipline. This paper moves beyond this problematic simplification to construct a 'third way', which borrows from both rationalist and critical approaches to craft a somewhat distinct niche in ir theory. It calls for the dual goal of deconstruction and reconstruction. With this approach I seek to show the mutually constitutive synergies between knowledge/theory and practice, and to expatiate on the argument that theory is indeed always for someone and for some purpose, whether such normative underpinnings are latent or manifest.
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| 2 |
ID:
137259
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This essay argues that global neo-liberalism has undercut the analytic power of the concept of the ‘subaltern’. It has instead produced a new category: the precariat. It makes this case first by examining Carlo Levi's Christ Stopped at Eboli, which helped define the subaltern, and then by showing that the aftermath of the 1968 revolutions slowly overturned the problematic installed by Levi and the Subaltern Studies group. It ends by offering an account of contemporary precarity via a reading of Amit Chaudhuri's novel, The Immortals.
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| 3 |
ID:
083147
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| Publication |
Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2007.
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| Description |
viii, 136p.
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| Series |
Postcolonialism across the discipline
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| Standard Number |
9781846310560
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 053790 | 320.96/SYR 053790 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
113853
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to criticise European foreign policy research from within, portraying how some of its scripts are privileged and how they construct an 'ideal power Europe' meta-narrative. It argues that European foreign policy researchers engage in such construction through, firstly, assuming that the EU is post-sovereign/post-modern; secondly, naming the EU as a model; and, finally, conceptualising the Union as a normative power. The article scrutinises European foreign policy research through a deconstruction of its texts and displays how certain knowledge about the EU and European foreign policy is produced and reproduced. It further reveals how the 'ideal power Europe' meta-narrative contributes to the dominative dimension of European foreign policy.
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| 5 |
ID:
073489
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In his most recent work, Jürgen Habermas has proposed a deliberative account of tolerance where the norms of tolerance-including the threshold of tolerance and the norms regulating the relationship between the tolerating and the tolerated parties-are the outcomes of deliberations among the citizens affected by the norms. He thinks that in this way, the threshold of tolerance can be rationalized and the relationship between tolerating and tolerated will rest on the symmetrical relations of public deliberations. In this essay, and inspired by Jacques Derrida's work on the concept of hospitality, I propose a deconstructive reading of Habermas's writings on tolerance. I argue that Habermas is ultimately unable to provide a rational foundation for tolerance and that his conception of tolerance encounters the same problems he is trying to avoid, namely, the contingency of the threshold of tolerance and a paternalistic relation between tolerating and tolerated. Yet, contra Habermas, the deconstruction of tolerance does not result in its destruction and does not force us to give up on the concept and practice of tolerance.
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| 6 |
ID:
186781
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India is emerging as a global power, but its strategic culture remains
largely understudied. Expert literature calls into question the very
existence of India’s own “systemic” strategic thinking. The article probes
into the validity of this viewpoint, postulates that India has its own
strategic culture, and highlights its key elements.
With the help of Michel Foucault’s genealogical method, the genealogy
of the concepts of ‘war’ and ‘power’ in Indian political philosophy is
examined and, on this basis, the central conceptual elements of India’s
military-political system are determined.
This approach shows that India’s strategic culture is distinguished not only
by its own systemic strategic thinking, but also by an original (different
from the Western one) way of structuring and coding the conceptual space
of ‘society,’ ‘politics,’ and ‘statehood.’ This gives an idea of how war and
strategy were understood in Indian culture in the past and how they are
seen today.
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| 7 |
ID:
183900
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Securitisation theory has too often been associated with the liberal state of exception and its problematic baggage. The Copenhagen School's early claims to deconstruct (not reproduce) the national security logic seem overlooked. Using the fantasy video game World of Warcraft as a large-scale thought experiment, this article asks how a distinct security mode is still possible when the normalisation of armed violence exceeds even what Carl Schmitt's political theory can provide for. Following a careful reading of Ole Wæver's formulation of the ‘existential threat’, securitisation asserts that without a certain referent object, the world becomes meaningless. As a tool for reshaping the limits of imagination, securitisation enacts political communities in World of Warcraft by turning upside down common wisdom about normalcy and security. While normal politics are violently conflictual, securitisation fills in the role of international norms and organisation, fostering supranational cooperation and erasing sovereign disputes. Securitisation thus far exceeds its contingent incarnation in the modern concept of security – a conclusion that has consequences for the normative debate on securitisation and for non-Western interpretations of the theory.
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| 8 |
ID:
123114
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many recent analyses of the ASEAN Charter have tended to view the document very critically, judging the chances for implementation as low. In order to assess the potential of the Charter, this article argues, an analysis of the Charter needs to take its text seriously and look for the promises and the political consequences they entail. Taking textual representations of the Charter as its empirical basis, the article is based on a deconstructive reading of the legal text and focuses on some of the more controversial promises like democracy promotion, human rights and the role of the regional populations. The article takes into account the political struggles mirrored in the Charter and stresses conflict rather than consensus as a dominant mode of politics within ASEAN.
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| 9 |
ID:
141194
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There are hardly any instances of international negotiations, in which states do not at least partially recur to bargaining strategies. This article argues that bargaining power is ultimately a social construction, depending on perceptions about the plausibility of the realisation of a threat. Effective bargaining rests on the credibility of the threats made (e.g. no-vote, veto). Thus, even weak states can sometimes manipulate the threat-potential of seemingly more powerful actors and, thereby, punch above their weight in international negotiations. To trigger a loss of bargaining power, these states need to apply lock-in strategies that create linkages between the issue on the international negotiation agenda and other international or sub-level norms or policy commitments. Once such linkages are made, international-level bargaining threats of formerly powerful actors lose credibility as carrying them out would bring about severe reputation damages. This article distinguishes between different lock-in strategies and draws on three case studies (UNGA resolutions on African descend, on Myanmar, and on the Latin American Nuclear-Weapons-Free-Zone) to provide an empirical plausibility probe on the scope conditions under which the lock-in strategies are effective in reducing the power of seemingly strong actors in international negotiations.
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| 10 |
ID:
188088
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The aim of this article is to explore and evaluate narrative analysis as a counter-terror strategy. Research has demonstrated that both the white supremacist and Muslim fundamentalist calls to global violence are instantiations of a single master narrative, victim, which commits the ingroup to the restoration of utopia by the expulsion or extermination of the outgroup. This study deconstructs texts from American Renaissance and Rumiyah to show that the victim master narrative is underpinned by the concept of deliverance, which combines the desirability of the survival of the ingroup (with its various superior qualities) and the likelihood of destruction by the outgroup (with its vastly superior numbers) to justify resistance, defense, and attack. The expanded and elaborated master narrative is then assessed in terms of its potential to: (1) debilitate extremist recruitment; and (2) transform attempts to reduce global terrorism by providing a soft-power alternative to the unsuccessful hard-power strategies that have characterized twenty-first century counter-terror thus far.
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| 11 |
ID:
089334
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines three dominant forms of national narratives concerning the fate of the Georgian nation: the old or classical narrative concerning the salvation and rescue of the Georgian nation despite imperial aggression; the narrative of the 'Rose Revolution' telling of the birth of a new nation; and a third narrative of the Georgian Christian Orthodox Church. The first narrative was favored by the old socialist intellectuals and has been eclipsed by the second narrative favored by 'new intellectuals'. Likewise the Orthodox narrative is not anchored on ancient Georgian churches but the new Shrine of the Trinity in Tbilisi. The paper argues that all three narratives embody realms of memory in Georgia and are vital to the understanding of impulses behind Georgian politics. It also suggests that Georgia has not so far undergone a full secularization in the Western sense and has been unable so far to construct new secular realms of memory though the old secular realms associated with the Shevardnadze era have been devalued. The article concludes by briefly discussing the significance of the Georgian intellectual Merab Mamardashvili whose grave in a common cemetery demonstrates the possibility of 'spontaneous' or 'vivid' memory.
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| 12 |
ID:
168881
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the study of games and gaming has increased in International Relations in recent years, a corresponding exploration of play has yet to be developed in the field. While play features in several key areas – including game theory, videogames and popular culture, and pedagogical role-plays and simulations – little work has been done to analyse its presence in, and potentials for, the discipline. The aim of this article is to introduce the study of play to IR. It does this by demonstrating that play is political, and that it is at work across the global arena. Drawing on the deconstructive tradition associated with Jacques Derrida, its core contribution is a theorisation of play. The central argument developed is that play is (auto)deconstructive. By this I mean (1) that play precipitates an unravelling of any attempt at its conceptualisation, and (2) that this illustrates the value of a deconstructive approach to international theory. This claim is substantiated through an analysis of four key binary oppositions derived from Johan Huizinga's Homo Ludens. Having shown how play powerfully deconstructs its own conceptual foundations, I argue that a playful approach offers a robust challenge to entrenched assumptions in international theory.
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| 13 |
ID:
134011
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to apply Derrida's deconstruction of elements constituting national identity as established under colonial power to the study of Bassam Tibi, Fouad Ajami, and Bernard Lewis' work on Arab identity. This approach allows the emergence of colonial and neo-colonial elements underlying these authors' understanding of what Edward Said identified as the "Arab condition." Analyses show that both Arab authors' definition of Arab identity has been heavily influenced by colonial powers in a threefold manner: early colonization of the Arab lands by the Ottomans until 1920, European colonial rule during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and finally, the impact of living in the West. The article also highlights how the colonial power, exemplified in the work of Bernard Lewis, chooses to view the colonized "other" and often changes this view in accordance with political expediency.
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