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| 1 |
ID:
122326
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| 2 |
ID:
091741
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| 3 |
ID:
130056
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper calculates a National Basic Consumer Price Index for Cambodia for 1993-2009 using data gathered in twelve provincial urban and rural markets and Phnom Penh, by the Cambodia Development Resource Institute (CDRI) and the Cambodian National Institute of Statistics (NIS), respectively. The data collected by the CDRI were used to calculate a Provincial Basic Consumer Price Index for Cambodia for 1993-2009. Data from the NIS Consumer Price Index for Phnom Penh were used to calculate a Basic Consumer Price Index for Phnom Penh for the same period. This latter index was combined with the Provincial Basic Consumer Price Index, using appropriate population weights, to calculate a National Basic Consumer Price Index for Cambodia. This is a measure of prices paid by the poor for basic consumer items. The paper concludes with a discussion of price movements for basic consumer goods over the period 1993-2009, along with a comment on policy implications arising from the study.
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| 4 |
ID:
126468
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Boeing has a long history in India, beginning with its 707 commercial jetliner that was acquired by Air India in 1960. The wait for successful military orders took much longer, but Boeing has done its homework well to come out on top for important contracts for the Indian Air Force (IAF) and Indian Navy (IN). Importantly for Boeing, the orders all have the potential for repeat orders, ensuring that Boeing will be busy well into the next decade. Boeing's success in the Indian market is also a huge opportunity for Indian aerospace and software companies as Boeing purchases goods and services from more than 23,000 suppliers across the world worth more than USD 50 billion each year. The company's global supply chain contributes more than 60 per cent of the value of its products. Boeing delivered 601 commercial airplanes and supported the delivery of 144 production military aircraft in 2012!
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| 5 |
ID:
128330
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2014.
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The October 10, 2013, edition of many American papers featured a photo of fugitive NSA contractor Edward Snowden in Russia, surrounded by former NSA executive Thomas Drake, former FBI agent Coleen Rowley, and former CIA analyst Ray McGovern. The three former government officials were in Russia to present Snowden with something called the Sam Adams Award for Integrity in Intelligence. All three had previously won the award themselves, along with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange and Katharine Gun, a translator for the British intelligence agency GCHQ who alleged NSA plans to tap the communications of UN members in the run-up to the Iraq War.
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| 6 |
ID:
171086
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Most existing scholarship regards private businesspeople in China as allies of the party-state, without considering how the private sector’s policy influence is possible in an authoritarian state where the political elites dominate the policy-making process. Based on the large number of successful proposals that the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce (ACFIC) has submitted to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, this study reveals the rising policy influence of private businesspeople in the past decade. It finds that their influence on government policy is not realized simply through collusion or informal ties with local governments at the stage of policy implementation. Instead, they now can voice their interests and exert influence as a group in national policy making at the central level through formal institutional channels. In recent years the influence of business associations affiliated with the ACFIC has been increasing, mainly due to institutional changes at the national level that encompass their input. This entails political co-optation that helps empower the private sector to exert influence on policy, rendering it unnecessary for the business community to challenge the political system from the bottom up.
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| 7 |
ID:
085404
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2008.
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The literature on climate cooperation focuses primarily on intergovernmental institutions and national policies. Few studies have examined the 'second image reversed' question: what is the impact of the international climate regime on domestic politics? This article examines the impact of the Kyoto Protocol on climate politics in Russia. Russia is an important case study both from a theoretical and policy perspective. Analytically, the case provides an opportunity to assess alternative theories of regime impact, given Russia's early scepticism about climate change and insistence on unrestrained economic growth. The study finds that the Kyoto Protocol influenced political interests in Russia first and foremost through the redistribution of resources and potential payoffs, but also through more subtle mechanisms such as capacity building and the diffusion of economic assessments. The result was a realignment of powerful domestic interests in a direction that has supported the main institutions of the climate regime and pushed for its implementation. Documenting the domestic political impacts of the Kyoto Protocol has policy implications for the conditions under which Russia and other large emerging markets focused on growth might undertake obligations to strengthen climate cooperation.
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| 8 |
ID:
078180
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| 9 |
ID:
139370
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Therefore, national policy in Central Asian States should shift from ethnocentrism to civic nationalism based on a common set of values and shared homeland. Instead of putting emphasis on historical roots, which are not only a source of pride for achievements in the past, but also a source of traumas and inter-ethnic conflicts, a focus on the contemporary achievements of the nations would be more beneficial.
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| 10 |
ID:
128228
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2013.
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Following two frustrating counterinsurgency campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, there is a drive to find new and more viable ways of addressing irregular security challenges. In this effort, the 1980s' campaign in El Salvador has gained prominence, as it resulted in the defeat of the guerrilla adversary yet involved only a modest deployment of US personnel and resources. The use of history to search for models and precedents can be fruitful, but past conflicts must be understood on their own terms and not made to fit the preconceived ideas of the day. A deeper appreciation of what happened in El Salvador reveals not only the unique circumstances that shaped the campaign but also the limited results of the counterinsurgency program to which the war's outcome is now being ascribed. This article adopts a broader lens, focusing on the real yet undervalued factors that produced peace in El Salvador and whether the final outcome was truly quite as successful as is now commonly assumed.
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| 11 |
ID:
130445
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2014.
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Based on newly available memoirs and previously unexplored policy speeches by insiders, this article conducts a political analysis of the Chinese Communist Party's decision to radically expand college enrollment in June 1999. I argue that the decision exemplifies a "guerrilla-style approach" to policy-making. From late March to early June of 1999 when the radical expansion policy was formulated and legitimated, the top leadership ignored opposition from the Ministry of Education (MOE), overturned established policies and assumed de facto control over MOE bureaucratic power. This abrupt, forceful, disruptive and non-professional policy intervention, which aimed to ensure regime survival in the wake of the Asian financial crisis, was antithetical to regularized educational policy-making in post-Mao China.
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| 12 |
ID:
166532
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Reductions in coal use necessary to meet the objective of keeping global temperature increase well under 2.0 °C faces serious political economic hurdles. To transition from coal, existing use must be eliminated and new growth in coal consumption must be stymied. Efforts to reduce existing consumption in a speedy manner faces challenges in domestically oriented markets where coal industry coalitions resist anti-coal policy and pursue industry protection. In addition, we identify a serious loophole in coal restraint exercised by a number of the users including: China, Japan and Korea. Continued support for coal capacity expansion abroad in both public and private sectors in these markets appears to reflect the lack of incentives, or sanctions in reining in such external capacity expansion. Such external expansion currently is not counted in nationally determined commitments for the Paris Agreement of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (Paris Agreement). Without greater national political efforts, the necessary reduction in coal use cannot be achieved.
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| 13 |
ID:
092807
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2009.
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This article discusses current status of palm oil-based biodiesel industry in Malaysia, the policies introduced and strategies for its implementation. Due to renewability, high production rate, technical feasibility and role in reducing greenhouse gases (GHG) emission, palm oil is in the right position to supply the energy needs by the incorporation into the diesel supply. As a leading producer of palm oil, Malaysia has embarked on a comprehensive palm biofuel program since 1982. It has successfully established the use of palm biodiesel blend (B5) as a suitable fuel for the transport and industrial sectors through the introduction of the National Biofuel Policy. The current scenario of biodiesel program in Malaysia, as well as biofuel policies with respect to its use, technology, export, environmental issues and implementation aspects are thoroughly discussed. The roles of the policy towards the prosperity of the stakeholders, oil price and the reduction of greenhouse gasses are also highlighted.
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| 14 |
ID:
178974
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Democratic citizens confront a range of problems framed as “security” issues, in policy areas such as counterterrorism and migration control, which place substantial political pressure on democratic norms. We develop a normative theoretical framework for assessing whether and how policies that curtail democratic governance standards in the name of security can be justified as politically legitimate. To do so, we articulate a novel normative account of legitimacy, which integrates insights from both democratic and realist traditions of thought to illuminate the complementary contributions of democratic and security standards to political legitimacy. We further elaborate a framework for applying this theoretical account to political practice in the form of a policy-focused “security test” for legitimacy in democratic states. Finally, we explore how this test may be deployed to help resolve policy dilemmas in democratic practice, by examining its application to a case study of national policy on irregular boat arrivals in Australia and Canada. Through this analysis, we contribute to the development of both richer theoretical understandings of the complex modern value of political legitimacy, and clearer action-guiding principles for balancing competing demands of legitimacy within securitized democratic policy regimes.
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| 15 |
ID:
130919
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2014.
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The success of individuals in securing employment requires a significant search effort. This article presents an empirical analysis of the determinants of job search intensity among a cross-section of workers in Accra, Ghana. Based on a sample of 404 workers drawn from 100 formal sector firms in Accra, we adopt the Poisson regression estimation technique to indicate that age, years of schooling, labour market experience, sex of household head, firm size and ethnic group significantly influence job search intensity. Measures to expose young job seekers to the world of work via internship and apprenticeship could accelerate their transition to employment.
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| 16 |
ID:
133962
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conventional models of electoral choice explain the ethnic minority vote as a product of nonideological factors, primarily ethnic identities. However, the voting preferences of the minority electorate based on their policy and attitudinal dimensions have not been systematically studied. How are minority interests represented in politics? Although their culturally based proximity to ethnic parties and minority representatives is well established, may we expect the electoral preferences of minorities to also reflect policy positions, economic concerns, or political attitudes? This article sets out to examine the sources and intensity of the electoral preferences of minority voters on the example of electoral support for the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), a party traditionally regarded as a representative of the ethnic Turkish minority in Bulgaria, a less conventional case of minority participation in politics. Based on analysis of survey data, the article demonstrates that the preferences of the ethnic minority electorate are also the product of policy positions, economic interests, and political attitudes overlapping with social identities. It concludes that the representation of the ethnic minorities through an ethnopolitical party is a stable outcome reflecting the interests of minority voters.
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| 17 |
ID:
129579
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2014.
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This article questions the effectiveness of EU efforts to prevent terrorism and violent radicalization as well as the future prospects of such efforts. Driven by the pressure of attacks, member states have agreed on a comprehensive strategy to prevent radicalization and recruitment into terrorism, but simultaneously the strategy traces the limits of EU authority in member states in this regard. Meanwhile, the European Commission has focused on indirect measures, such as research support, for counter radicalization. However, over time, both flexible cooperation among a subset of member states and new EU initiatives have generated only few or biased policy outputs. The Stockholm Programme renewed the ambition to prevent terrorism at an early stage and underlined the EU's role in evaluation and knowledge exchange. This article questions the resulting proposal to create a network of local or subnational actors for best practice exchange. The article argues that preventive counterterrorism relies on contentious scientific evidence and that authoritative evaluations remain tied to national policy-making. Finally, the EU Commission cannot mobilize sufficient resources to ensure that 'frontline' organizations, such as police services, implement new practices. Taken together, this limits the potential for depoliticizing multilevel governance approaches to terrorism prevention. The conclusions of this article raise further research questions on the use of knowledge and complex governance patterns in EU internal security.
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| 18 |
ID:
131636
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2014.
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The language of human security has been prominent in the European Union's (EU) official discourse for a number of years. However, whilst it has been promoted as a new approach for the EU in the development of its security and defence policy, the aim of this article is to assess the extent to which it actually features in the EU's contemporary strategic discourse and practice. It seeks to uncover where and how the concept is spoken within the EU's institutional milieu, how it is understood by the relevant policy-makers in the EU and the implication of this across key areas of human security practice. It is argued in the article that human security has not been embedded as the driving strategic concept for Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in an era of crisis and change in Europe and beyond and that the prospects for this materialising in the near future are rather thin.
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| 19 |
ID:
081196
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| 20 |
ID:
083805
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