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| 1 |
ID:
074552
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For most Greeks, neighbouring countries like Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania and Albania formed a terra incognita for almost half a century since the end of the Second World War. In the early 1990s communism collapsed in all four countries and despite the three bloody wars that followed the break-up of Yugoslavia, information, goods and people crossed Balkan boundaries in unprecedented speed. The paper examines three geopolitical codes about the Balkans that successively dominated Greek views and policies in the last fifteen years: the idea of a menacing 'muslim arc', the image of the Balkans as a Greek 'natural hinterland' and the idea of the Balkans as an undisputed part of Europe. All these geopolitical ideas were introduced by the Greek political elite and influenced decisively both Greek foreign policy and public attitudes for about half a decade each.
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| 2 |
ID:
080134
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| 3 |
ID:
073664
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| 4 |
ID:
117861
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Celebrities have been accused of oversimplifying the conflict in Darfur, of exaggerating the number of people killed and of cursorily labelling it the 'first genocide of the 21st century'. Celebrity activists have also been criticized for advocating drastic measures like military intervention, and for aggressively pursuing the fulfilment of arrest warrants by the International Criminal Court at the expense of quiet diplomacy and reconciliation, ultimately making matters worse. This article examines the role of two Hollywood celebrities-Mia Farrow and George Clooney-in Sudan's 'messy war'. It claims that most proponents and critics of celebrity activism overestimate the role that these two individuals played. Clooney and Farrow did not act alone but were latecomer adherents to a transnational advocacy network (the Save Darfur Coalition) and their role was more in strengthening than in altering messages.
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| 5 |
ID:
156849
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| 6 |
ID:
117508
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Journalists, academics and politicians portray the European Union and China as unitary actors that follow coherent strategies towards 'Africa'. These perceptions help in turn to sustain a discourse of geopolitical competition: the EU and China are presented as bitter rivals of a new 'Cold War'. This 'new scramble for Africa' narrative is an illusion. Despite official declarations, Brussels' ties with 'Africa' are only a small part of a complex web of relationships. Moreover, China's presence in Africa is far less monolithic than outside observers assume. However, these flawed perceptions are quite persistent because they serve the ambitions and interests of governing elites.
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| 7 |
ID:
134212
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The paper analyses Greece's relations with China and highlights the crucial role of specific business interests in strengthening bilateral ties. Greek-Chinese political contacts, as well as trade, investment and touristic flows, have significantly increased in the last decade. The concession of the Piraeus port to the Chinese company COSCO was the major turning point for the relationship. The paper notes a strong influence of shipowning interests in Greece's foreign policy decision-making system which has conditioned the development of Greek-Chinese relations.
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