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| 1 |
ID:
107394
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| 2 |
ID:
056095
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| 3 |
ID:
137286
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP (TPP) initiative was first launched by New Zealand, Singapore and Chile in 2003. Since the United States joined the process in 2011, this concept, significantly reformatted and with an expanded membership, has been regarded as a purely American one. It is also rightly seen as a (if not the) key element of the strategic shift of focus in U.S. foreign policy to the Asia-Pacific Region. It is also often viewed in conjunction with the conceptually symmetrical Transatlantic Partnership between the United States and the European Union. Many experts argue - with varying degrees of credibility - that the combination of these two initiatives is of central, systemic importance to the foreign-policy and foreign economic strategy of the Administration of Barack Obama.
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| 4 |
ID:
120026
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| 5 |
ID:
112655
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| 6 |
ID:
098402
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Tensions between Australia's strategic alignment and its economic alignment . . . heighten Canberra's anxieties about having to choose between security and prosperity in the event of a confrontation between the United States and China.
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| 7 |
ID:
151310
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The battle of Culloden, an encounter between armies of the Hanoverian and Stuart dynasties on a Scottish moor in April 1746, traditionally has been treated in the historiography as a strictly British affair with exclusively British consequences. This essay seeks to place the battle in a much broader framework, suggesting that it had long-term implications for not just Britain, but for much of the rest of the world as well. It contends that it is not unreasonable to argue, for example, that if the battle had been lost by the Hanoverians, the United States probably would not exist today and French would be the primary language spoken in North America.
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| 8 |
ID:
120819
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this paper I address the question of how Chinese scholars participate in scientific knowledge production by appropriating Western IR theories, primarily by examining interactions between North American theories that claim universality and China-specific IR efforts. Drawing on post-Mao era publications and books, I discuss how increasingly independent Chinese IR scholars are portraying their country's rising status in international politics and identifying China's national interests, while still emphasizing socialist concepts such as anti-hegemonism. The result is a form of Chinese IR scholarship that combines Western IR language with a worldview that emphasizes a modern China within the context of traditional socialist foreign policy norms. I will argue that Chinese scholarly discussions about IR theory building reflect efforts to present 'their rising China' (as individually perceived) in the study, research, and development of IR theory in response to the appearance of modern IR methods that require new definitions and new roles for old socialist forms. In this context, identity concerns are more important than the actual theories being established or appropriated.
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| 9 |
ID:
105566
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| 10 |
ID:
121225
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Canada proved to be a reliable and cooperative partner of the Americans
on a variety of air defence initiatives in the early Cold War. Both countries
constructed a dense network of radar lines, prioritized their respective air
defence forces, and eventually agreed to a binational North American Air
Defence Command (NORAD), imbued with the operational control of both
countries' air defence forces. However, Canada's role in strategic defence
was just as quickly challenged by the development of intercontinental
ballistic missiles. NORAD's raison d'être shifted to the early warning and
tracking of these long-range delivery systems, even as Washington became
increasingly infatuated with the potential of missile defences from the late
1960s onward. Importantly, Canada consistently refrained from cooperating
with the United States on strategic missile defence.
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| 11 |
ID:
085864
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2008.
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Copyright policy, like other major areas of public policy, requires a solid anchoring in fundamental principles. The perceived need to anchor copyright debates in a solid policy context and, hence, to develop a coherent (and hopefully convincing) narrative has been the subject of excellent contemporary research. We are indebted to a number of scholars for their work in this area. The attempt to find normative applications from a historically derived model for copyright is not either. However, the research thus far tends to provide a blurred picture, by espousing justiflcatory theories based on one or many of the following: commercial and personal Interests of authors, understood as property and/or liability rules; commercial interests of publishers and other "rights holders"; and/or the social costs of overprotection and the related economic-driven search for an optimal point of protection. This article looks at pieces in the Canadian narrative puzzle and tries to present a faithful picture of its current stage of evolution. To do so, however, a detour via England is required, because that is whence the soil from Which the Canadian narrative comes. This historical detour will be the focus of Part 1. Part III will suggest a path for the next stages of the Canadian narrative that is both consistent with international norms and hopefully useful in moving the debate forward. The part ends with a brief look at the impact that the linkage with trade rules may have on copyright.
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| 12 |
ID:
121186
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| 13 |
ID:
065246
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| 14 |
ID:
067491
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| 15 |
ID:
118608
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Siberia is an immense territory that stretches for over 12.4 million square kilometers from the eastern slopes of the Urals to the Pacific Ocean. It took Russia more than four hundred years to develop this land in what proved to be the most ambitious colonization effort in history, during which one European people inhabited an area spanning from the eastern edge of Europe to the middle of North America's Pacific coast. Today Siberia's territory is large enough to easily accommodate any contemporary country. At the peak of the expansion (including Russian Alaska) this "European offshoot" (a term coined by Angus Maddison to denote territories occupied by European powers and subsequently inhabited mostly by descendants from Europe) was larger than the New World's Spanish colonies from Cape Horn to California and Texas, and could incorporate British territories in Asia three times over.
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| 16 |
ID:
087935
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Students of regionalism almost reflexively include North America in their lists of regions in contemporary global politics. Inevitably students of regionalism point to the integrative agreements between the countries of North America: the two free trade agreements that transformed the continental economy beginning in the late 1980s - the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement that came into force on 1 January 1989, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between the United States, Mexico, and Canada, that came into force on 1 January 1994 - and the Secutity and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP), launched in March 2005. These agreements, it is implied, are just like the integrative agreements that forge the bonds of regionalism elsewhere in the world. We argue that this is a profound misreading, not only of the two free trade agreements of the late 1980s and early 1990s and the SPP mechanism of 2005, but also of the political and economic implications of those agreements. While these integrative agreements have created considerable regionalisation in North America, there has been little of the regionalism evident in other parts of the world. We examine the contradictions of North America integration in order to explain why North Americans have been so open to regionalisation but so resistant to regionalism.
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| 17 |
ID:
087936
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Students of regionalism almost reflexively include North America in their lists of regions in contemporary global politics. Inevitably students of regionalism point to the integrative agreements between the countries of North America: the two free trade agreements that transformed the continental economy beginning in the late 1980s - the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement that came into force on 1 January 1989, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between the United States, Mexico, and Canada, that came into force on 1 January 1994 - and the Secutity and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP), launched in March 2005. These agreements, it is implied, are just like the integrative agreements that forge the bonds of regionalism elsewhere in the world. We argue that this is a profound misreading, not only of the two free trade agreements of the late 1980s and early 1990s and the SPP mechanism of 2005, but also of the political and economic implications of those agreements. While these integrative agreements have created considerable regionalisation in North America, there has been little of the regionalism evident in other parts of the world. We examine the contradictions of North America integration in order to explain why North Americans have been so open to regionalisation but so resistant to regionalism.
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| 18 |
ID:
152792
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is part of a larger project on ordinary border crossings and state practices in North America. The changing border governmentalities in the region focusing on securitising their borders against potential terrorist threats and the increased emphasis on the managing of population flows have led to a reduced mobility for certain travellers as opposed to others. The construction of potentially safe and ‘un-safe’ subjects through profiling on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin, gender, religion and socioeconomic background and the increasing use of biometrics have impacted upon travellers’ mobilities. In the North American context, the Mexican state has undergone significant modernisation in terms of its border control capacities, thus enhancing not only its capacity as a buffer state, but also its performative sovereignty, and is therefore an interesting case to study. This article aims to analyse how these transformations in border governmentalities have affected the mobility of ‘ordinary’ travellers, and how they have developed coping strategies and resistances towards the potential curbing of their respective mobilities.
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| 19 |
ID:
115058
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For a fresh perspective on geopolitical trends, look at the world through the lens of the natural gas trade. One of the reasons for Israeli unease with the Arab Spring is that the democratic uprising that took down Hosni Mubarak also brought interruptions in Israel's supply of natural gas, much of which since 2008 has come from Egypt. Wondering about China's new interest in Australia and Qatar? It's about their abundant gas supplies and China's tremendous energy needs. Desperate for signs of cooperation from North Korea? Check out reports that Kim Jong-il may agree to the construction of a natural gas pipeline that would link Russia, Pyongyang, and Seoul. From Asia to the Middle East to North America, a boom in natural gas usage is rearranging international connections, with major repercussions for global politics.
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| 20 |
ID:
133094
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Jihadi-Salafi groups have been on the march in the post-9/11 years on a violent campaign to achieve their ends. From North America to South-East Asia and from Europe to Sub-Saharan Africa, Jihadi-Salafis have attacked Western and local targets with often devastating results. Despite growing attention to the Jihadi-Salafi movement, which includes both globalized and localized components, there are still questions that remain largely unanswered. Three new books can shed light on this modern phenomenon that has preoccupied Western security policies for the past decade. Jihadi-Salafism is a large and diverse movement with a global reach that has embarked on an armed struggle to defend the imagined ummah.
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