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| 1 |
ID:
131480
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The role and incidence of the Ahmadiya community in Israeli society, with its around 2,000 members, is not related to the dimension of the community, its religious activities or its dissemination on the territory. It is related to the strong social and political engagement of the community not only in religious but also in civil society activities where it resides, despite all the difficulties that derive from its disputed role in Islam. The Ahmadiyya community in Haifa constitutes a relevant example of contribution to peaceful and productive coexistence. Haifa itself is characterized by a very interesting social and political climate, by which it is considered a "model" of coexistence in Israel, despite the fact that many contrasts and contradictions persist, such as forms of discrimination and inequalities. The civil society is particularly active, and institutions and NGOs devoted to the Arab-Jewish dialogue are many. Religious and political leaders communicate and participate together in various events, where their openness and mutual respect are intended to symbolize harmony with the intent of this being mirrored by the whole society. The Ahmadiyya Community plays an active role in this evolving process. The author, who has carried out qualitative research in Haifa to film a scientific documentary on the Holiday of Holidays and the validity of the Haifa model of coexistence, applied participant observation in the framework of grounded theory to analyze the role and impact of the Ahmadiyya community in the complex Israeli context, also on the basis of extensive in depth interviews with community members and leaders
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| 2 |
ID:
131475
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Access to, management and attendance of places of worship often takes gendered forms. Gender imbalances in UK mosques manifests in attendance and management patterns and is reflected in the facilities available. The sense that mosques are perceived widely as 'prayer-clubs for men' (Maqsood 2005: 4-5) is often reflected in the physical spaces and facilities made available to female worshippers, and it must be noted that some mosques do not provide any of the latter at all (Dispatches 2006). Shockingly, a recent survey found that 'women form part of the congregation in [only] half (51%) of the organisations surveyed' (Coleman 2009: 10). Relatedly, UK Mosque management committees privilege male involvement, decision-making and leadership roles, with figures of as few as 15% women in management positions (Asim 2011: 34) and more who 'will simply not entertain the idea' (Asim 2011: 39). Such imbalances reflect the specificities of the UK-religious context (Maqsood 2005) yet, globally, women's mosque involvement appears to be changing far more rapidly than here. This paper explores how gender, religious identity and sexualities interface with women's mosque access, involvement and experiences therein. It draws upon original research with a sample of women, and indicates that inclusivity is an important topic in UK mosques, far beyond gender
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| 3 |
ID:
073697
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| 4 |
ID:
099928
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Jati matha, as people of Karnataka call it, is a monastery that culturally and religiously represents a specific caste or sub-caste group, most of which are non-Brahmin, backward castes. From the Kuruba (shepherd caste, the largest amongst other backward classes) to Dalits (former untouchables) and Adivasis (tribals), the number of such caste-mathas is believed to be more than 100 in the state. This phenomenon presents interesting but problematic issues for conventional understandings of religious leadership and renunciation that regarded renunciation as a negation of the caste system. How can a renouncer represent a caste to which he/she belongs at the same time as claiming religious authority? It also reveals dynamic relationships between religion and politics in post-Mandal India. Is this a demand for spiritual reservation? While more backward class renouncers are receiving initiations, the distribution of resources through such caste-matha has become a tactic for the Bharatiya Janata Party-ruled state government to consolidate their support bases. The paper examines the complex negotiations and politics behind the emerging caste-mathas of Karnataka.
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