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| 1 |
ID:
181928
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) ideology, rooted in its foundational struggles, explicitly denounces “bureaucratism” (guanliaozhuyi) as an intrinsic ailment of bureaucracy. Yet while the revolutionary Party has blasted bureaucratism, its revolutionary regime has had to find a way to coexist with bureaucracy, which is a requisite for effective governance. An anti-bureaucratic ghost thus dwells in the machinery of China's bureaucratic state. We analyse the CCP's anti-bureaucratism through two steps. First, we perform a historical analysis of the Party's anti-bureaucratic ideology, teasing out its substance and emphasizing its roots in and departures from European Marxism and Leninism. Second, we trace both the continuity and evolution in the Party's anti-bureaucratic rhetoric, taking an interactive approach that combines close reading with computational analysis of the entire corpus of the People's Daily (1947–2020). We find striking endurance as well as subtle shifts in the substance of the CCP's anti-bureaucratic ideology. We show that bureaucratism is an umbrella term that expresses the revolutionary Party's anxiety about losing its popular legitimacy. Yet the substance of the Party's concern evolved from commandism and revisionism under Mao, to corruption and formalism during reform. The Party's ongoing critiques of bureaucratism and formalism unfold in parallel fashion with its efforts to standardize, regularize and institutionalize the state.
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| 2 |
ID:
098346
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study investigates the influences of religion in determining whether to support what might be perceived to be rebellious actions in Taiwan where most people are adherents of Buddhism, Taoism, and folk religions. Using data from the Taiwan Social Change Survey 2004, the estimations of the probit model suggest that there are some strong links between religion and the attitudes toward rebellious actions. In particular, being a Taoist reduces the probability of protest participation while being a Buddhist and being a folk religionist cut the likelihood of signing a petition. Moreover, the frequencies of religious attendance are positively associated with the probabilities of participating in a protest, signing a petition, and taking actions against injustice or harmful regulations.
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| 3 |
ID:
164972
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent high-level visits between China and Vietnam have prioritized Vietnamese rice exports, with varying results. When the issue was first raised in 2015, rice exports surged dramatically. From 2016 through 2017, they performed poorly despite efforts to encourage them. This paper argues that the buying behavior and lobbying preferences of business groups, made possible by a unique institutional setup, explain the different results.
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| 4 |
ID:
137674
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Nuclear energy plays an important role in the energy sector in the world. It has achieved a rapid development during the past six decades and contributes to over 11% of the world's electricity supply. On the other side, nuclear accidents have triggered substantial debates with a growing public concern on nuclear facilities. Followed by the Fukushima nuclear accident, some developed countries decided to shut down the existing nuclear power plants or to abandon plans to build new ones. Given this background, accelerating the development of nuclear power on the basis of safety in China will make it a bellwether for other countries. China assigns the top priority to the nuclear safety in nuclear energy development and has maintained a good record in this field. The policy and institutional system provide the necessary guarantee for the nuclear energy development and safety management. Furthermore, China's approach to nuclear safety provides a benchmark for the safe development and utilization of nuclear power. This research draws an overall picture of the nuclear energy development and nuclear safety in China from the policy and institutional perspective.
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| 5 |
ID:
089730
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| 6 |
ID:
111170
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2007, those behind the 2006 coup drafted a new constitution specifically aimed at turning back the political and policymaking clock to the pre-1997 era. However, in the preceding decade a significant transformation of Thai politics had taken place. Specifically, social cleavages had become politicized and particized in ways we have not seen before, and policy-focused, popular party programs had become part and parcel of serious party campaign strategies. Focusing on health policy, we thus argue in this article that institutional reforms have had predictable and observable implications for policymaking in Thailand, but only when considered in the context of changes to the broader social structure and other political conditions. While the 1997 reforms brought about a well-documented shift toward a more centralized, coordinated, and nationally focused policymaking environment, the 2007 reforms have been less successful at reversing that impact. In short, the coup makers are finding it harder than they supposed to force the genie back into the bottle.
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| 7 |
ID:
085170
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Viking, 1990.
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| Description |
x, 239p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
0670837873
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 032708 | 320.954/SHO 032708 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
141488
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| Summary/Abstract |
Myanmar has long been rigidly centralized. In 2011, however, 14 regional and state assemblies were established. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, this article evaluates the performance of 10 assemblies toward the end of their initial five-year mandate. It finds little evidence of a territorial dispersal of power.
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| 9 |
ID:
144772
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In this article we analyse the dynamics of the insurgencies and the corresponding counter-insurgency measures in the North Caucasus over the past 25 years. By comparing three cases – Chechnya, Dagestan, and Kabardino-Balkaria – we identify similarities and differences in the way insurgencies and counter-insurgency measures influence governance in the region. Analysing different dynamics and outcomes under similar framework conditions – a federal state with a centralised government trying to govern a region with a shared history of rebellions against central rule and with similar geographic, social, and cultural features facilitating resistance and insurgencies – is a promising approach to better understanding conditions and implications of insurgency-induced governance in post-Soviet Russia.
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| 10 |
ID:
074636
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If analysts want to understand the forces that give rise to the sovereign units that make up the 'us' and 'them' comprising the affinities and enmities of enduring inter-state inequality and systemically violent conflict, then we must move beyond the Weberian understanding of the state as an institution that has a monopoly of the legitimate use of violence and towards a deeper understanding of the rules that hold together the state as a membership organisation. This means several things but, for the purposes of this article, imagining the cessation of war and a truly global politics (committed to enabling conditions for the creative recreation of the planet and its inhabitants, regardless of where or to whom they were born) means understanding how all states create the form of the 'other' liable to yield death as an active or passive consequence of their kinship rules.
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| 11 |
ID:
080294
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the divergent patterns of farmland property rights
transformation in Suzhou and Dongguan, China, and investigates the relevant factors
influencing this divergence from an institutionalist perspective. We point out that a
local property rights regime based on the collective ownership system coupled with
developmental dynamics at village level has made the transformation of farmland
property rights in Dongguan different from that in Suzhou. We also discover some
emerging local institutions that may have been factors in the variation of farmland
property rights transformation between these two regions. Furthermore, we observe
that such spatial-institutional variation influences the welfare of local farmers to a
significant degree. Finally, this study suggests that in addition to the "economic
paradigm," scholars might pay more attention to political factors such as intra-Party
promotion/evaluation systems, the tensions between the evaluative indicators systems
maintained by the tiao (central/local sectoral command) and the kuai (territorial
jurisdictions), and the regulation as well as political governance of
government-village relations in order to further understand the dynamics and
contradictions of China's local development.
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| 12 |
ID:
116486
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Popular satisfaction with current standards of living in reform-era China is explored in this article, using survey data from the 2004 China Inequality and Distributive Justice Project. Three major patterns are found: first, people of rural origin, with low levels of education and living in the west region, who are disadvantaged in the inequality hierarchy, report greater satisfaction with current standards of living than do privileged urbanites, the highly educated and residents in the coastal east. Second, inequality-related negative life experiences and social cognitive processes including temporal and social comparisons, material aspirations, and life goal orientations mediate the effects of socioeconomic characteristics. Third, the social sources of satisfaction with current standards of living vary across urban, rural and migrant residents. It is suggested that these patterns have largely stemmed from the unique political economic institutional arrangement and stratification system in China.
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| 13 |
ID:
192980
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| Summary/Abstract |
The past is continuously reinterpreted to serve the interests of the present. Over the last two centuries of turbulent Chinese history, the past has been redefined through narratives and categorisations. How does the party-state manage the diversity and complexity of China's past, and what implications does this have for state–society relations in China? Based on a case study of China's adoption of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, this article argues that the Chinese party-state creates “infrastructures of memory,” which enable it to actively manage China's diverse past through selective institutionalisation. This process creates a “cognitive map” of tangible and rationalised relations and boundaries between vernacular memories as interpreted by the state. Although this map is to shape and direct Chinese collective memory and identity, it also sparks contestation among members of the populace who seek to preserve vernacular and multiple memories of their socio-cultural past.
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| 14 |
ID:
101309
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| 15 |
ID:
117292
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With more than 95% of India's surface transport dependent on imported fossil fuel, India has made a concerted effort to promote biofuel. The newly announced biofuel policy of India stipulates a blending target of 20% for both bioethanol and biodiesel. In the case of biodiesel, complement to fossil fuel diesel, India's predominant transport fuel, this target is to be achieved by cultivating non-edible oil seed plants in wastelands and fallow land. In spite of best effort, very little progress has been made on the ground. As the result, the deadline for blending target of 20% for biodiesel has been postponed from 2011-2012 to 2006-2017. This paper makes an attempt to understand the factors behind the tardy progress in India's biodiesel scene and suggests policy remedies.
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