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| 1 |
ID:
089105
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hopes that Barack Obama's presidency would lead to significant changes in the way the United States conducts itself in the Middle East were tempered by the realisation that numerous domestic and international considerations would prevent him from making a clean break with the past, even if he were so inclined.
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| 2 |
ID:
093319
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the entire humanity witnessed the unfolding of a new era with the election of Barack Obama as the 44th US president in November 2008.
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| 3 |
ID:
085412
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| Publication |
2008.
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Seven years after the United States rejected binding emissions limitations and George Bush declared the Kyoto Protocol dead, there are signs of change. There is growing interest in emissions trading at the regional, national and substate level, and in the prospect of linking schemes together. This article suggests that the rapid growth of emissions trading markets themselves may be helping to swing the cost-benefit analysis of participation in emissions reduction commitments for American actors and others. Most simply, the practical viability of international emissions trading has now been confirmed, largely by the European market, but there are two further elements to this development for which this article presents the early evidence. Firstly, unanticipated benefits appear to be accruing in the established compliance markets. Secondly, ownership of the emerging markets can bring new bargaining power to encourage others to adopt meaningful climate targets.
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| 4 |
ID:
092721
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| 5 |
ID:
106317
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This short paper examines the issue of the continued absence of a peace treaty to end the Korean War. Although the hostilities associated with the Korean War ended in 1953, it was the "temporary" Armistice Agreement and not a formal peace treaty that did this. After reviewing the history of discussions on a peace treaty, this paper focuses on the current North Korean nuclear issue. It demonstrates that a conditional peace treaty is a very pragmatic way to end the Korean War and to determine if Pyongyang, as it has stated repeatedly, wants to forsake its nuclear weapons, the programs it uses to produce them, and thus to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula. A conditional peace treaty, which effectively is win-win diplomacy for Washington and Pyongyang, will also improve the security environment in Northeast Asia and lay the political ground for improved relations between the two Koreas and between North Korea and Japan.
That no peace treaty was ever created to end the Korean War since the fighting was stopped by an armistice in 1953 has been one of the major sources of instability in Northeast Asia, where there still exists the very the palpable residual of the Cold War. The armistice was meant to end the hostilities on the Korean Peninsula only until a permanent peace treaty could be negotiated. More than a half century later, this has not happened. A peace treaty linked to North Korea's denuclearization gives the Obama administration a new and viable option with which to fundamentally change the security environment in Northeast Asia.
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| 6 |
ID:
110630
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2011.
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This article demonstrates that racial prejudice was strongly related to the state-level nonblack vote in the 2008 presidential election, which featured the first African American candidate from a major party, Barack Obama. Additional tests show that while prejudice also explains shifts in the nonblack vote between 2004 and 2008, its influence on voting in the 2000 and 2004 elections was modest at best. Furthermore, there is no relationship between racial attitudes and state-level presidential approval of George Bush in 2008. Taken together, the findings suggest that prejudice does not have a pervasive influence on political behavior and opinion. Instead, the effect appears to have been triggered by the presence of Barack Obama on the ballot. Had there been less prejudice among the American voting public, Obama would likely have won an electoral vote landslide.
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| 7 |
ID:
108420
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| 8 |
ID:
074707
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| 9 |
ID:
137377
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| Summary/Abstract |
President George H.W. Bush’s use of personal diplomacy has been a frequently noted but little studied subject in the scholarly literature. For the first time, this analysis examines the transcripts of telephone conversations between Bush and foreign leaders during Operation Desert Shield and Operation Desert Storm to determine the nature and purpose of these communications. Bush used these conversations more to build relationships than to persuade. He valued the contributions of the French president, François Mitterrand, over those of the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, and the assistance provided by the Turkish president, Turgut Özal, over that of the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak. The tensions of crisis and war did not bring Bush and Saudi Arabia’s King Fahd closer together, and a rupture occurred in his previously close relationship with Jordan’s King Hussein. In this process, public opinion in the United States and abroad remained of paramount concern.
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| 10 |
ID:
047035
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| Publication |
California, Salem Press, Inc., 2000.
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| Description |
1v. (xi, 418p.)Hbk
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| Series |
Magill's Choice
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| Contents |
V.I: Konrad Adenauer-Nikita Khrushchev
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| Standard Number |
089356339
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044488 | 920/SAL 044488 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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