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| 1 |
ID:
117062
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Red Shirt movement, which reached its peak during May 2010, has been met with puzzlement and ambiguity by media and scholars in and beyond Thailand. Often presented as a one-man-driven movement or a 'peasant revolt', the movement has remained opaque to many observers. This article analyses the ongoing conflict through the eyes of Isan (North Eastern Thai) migrants in Bangkok, especially motorcycle taxi drivers, as motivated by 'politics of desire'. In particular, the article explores how desires for consumption are voiced by a new emerging regional middle class with a diffuse feeling of being stuck between an agricultural past and a self-employed present, due to structural limitations on social and personal development. The author examines the historical emergences and failures of these desires in a complex web of conflicting and overlapping claims to representation, capitalism and class mobility. Positioning desires at the core of the analysis and exploring their configuration and suppression in Thailand through discourses of capitalist access, self-sufficiency and social justice allows severed links to be recovered and apparent contradictions to be reconfigured. This seems necessary to understand the otherwise disconnected and incomprehensible economic, discursive and spatial dimensions of the Thai political conflict.
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| 2 |
ID:
129202
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chilean Presidential and Parliamentary elections of the first-round general election on November 17th and the second round run-off for the presidency between remaining candidates Michelle Bachelet and Evelyn Matthei on December 15th, 2013 were decided by problems, not by ideology, and by past rather than future issues. These issues, partly hidden from the international public, are likely to remain over the next years. Thus comprehending them is crucial to understand the transition of the country.
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| 3 |
ID:
128867
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
If a civil war begins, it is more likely to be initiated by an ethnic group than any other type of group. We argue that ethnic groups, on average, are likely to have more grievances against the state, are likely to have an easier time organizing support and mobilizing a movement, and are more likely to face difficult-to-resolve bargaining problems. We further argue that each of these factors was likely due to three pre-existing patterns associated with ethnicity. First, when political power is divided along ethnic lines, ruling elites can disproportionately favor their own ethnic group at the expense of others. This creates grievances that fall along ethnic lines. Second, ethnic groups tend to live together in concentrated spaces, sharing the same language and customs, and enjoying deep ties with ethnic kin. This means that ethnic groups, if they are aggrieved, will have an easier time mobilizing support to demand change. Third, the fact that ethnic identity tends to be less elastic than other types of identity means that credible commitments to any bargain - before and during a conflict- will be more difficult to make. The result is that ethnic groups will have a greater number of reasons, opportunities, and incentives to mobilize and fight than non-ethnic groups.
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| 4 |
ID:
129195
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After a long period of relative quiescence, indigenous movements in Latin America have mobilized. A wave of indigenous protests swept through the Andean countries beginning in the 1980s and made its presence felt as far north as Mexico. Indigenous groups have blocked roads, occupied buildings, and held mass rallies to let their demands be known. They have also entered the electoral arena in unprecedented numbers. Some indigenous groups and leaders have allied with non-indigenous parties, lending their support to the parties in exchange for candidacies or policy concessions. Other indigenous groups have opted to form their own political parties. In Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Guatemala, indigenous parties have launched presidential campaigns and in a host of other Latin American countries indigenous parties have competed in legislative or municipal elections.
Bolivia's Movement toward Socialism, known as the MAS for its Spanish initials, has been the most successful of the indigenous parties. The MAS has dominated Bolivian politics since 2005, winning every major election since that time. Its leader, Evo Morales, has occupied the presidency for the last eight years, and the MAS currently controls both houses of the Bolivian legislature as well as most of the country's departments.
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| 5 |
ID:
030542
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| Publication |
London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1967.
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| Description |
864p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007410 | 909.82/WAT 007410 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
133992
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2014.
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Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has attained mixed results using the traditional instruments of power in pursuit of foreign policy objectives. In the future these instruments may prove even less effective because of domestic problems and changes in the geopolitical environment. Advanced military capabilities enabled by emerging technology may provide policymakers with broader options and greater utility when coercion is required in international relations. The application of non-lethal force is not a substitute for war but an effective lever to consider in future conflict. This article proposes several concepts: digital blockade, conflict termination, wide-area denial, and offshore control, which could be used during future state-level conflict. While these emerging capabilities offer great promise, they are not a panacea. Policymakers and military leaders must fully understand the conditions in which these capabilities provide maximum effectiveness, as well as overcoming legal barriers and contending with the problem of escalation.
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| 7 |
ID:
128214
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2014.
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This article analyses the topoi of the Young Turk reading of the 1905 Russian Revolution. It argues that the Young Turks considered the 1905 Revolution as a victory against autocratic regimes and as an edificatory example for the Ottoman constitutionalists. This example provided the Young Turks with a mirror in which they saw a model of revolution from below. As such, in addition to encouraging the Young Turks to formulate and re-assess their methods and means of establishing a constitutional regime in the Ottoman Empire, the 1905 Revolution helped them to transform their initially intellectual movement to an effectual political one.
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| 8 |
ID:
131653
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2014.
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The overseas Chinese democracy movement, sustained by exiled Chinese dissidents in the West, has just reached its 30th anniversary. Despite a widely held view that it has declined and failed irrevocably from its moral and political height during the first half of the 1990s, new trends have emerged.
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| 9 |
ID:
133659
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2014.
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The Tea Party and its European cousins have emerged from the enduring inability of democratic governments to satisfy their citizens' needs. Today's populist movements won't subside until the legitimate grievances driving them have been addressed.
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| 10 |
ID:
075243
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hitherto, South Asian governments have found it convenient to arbitrate between different sections and communities. Increasingly, however, as a multiplicity of demands surface articulating the democratic aspirations of marginalised castes, creeds, tribal peoples and other ethnic groups, governments must work in collaboration with actors in civil society. As monolithically constructed communities are splintered along ‘local’ constituents and development agencies relate rights-based programming with disaggregated data on caste, class and gender, the possibilities for multiculturalism become manifold. Democratic pluralism is key to development. This paper is based on fieldwork in two contiguous regions of South Asia; the Himalayan kingdom of Nepal, and the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. On the one hand, this region has been the hotbed of linguo-religious identity construction and contestation since at least the 1870s, and especially after the 1920s. On the other hand, it has recently been witness to the emergence of strong political movements among hitherto ‘untouchable’ Dalits and landless classes, and the active interest of development agencies. Three broad themes are explored through this paper; the impact of development and markets on Dalit communities, cultures of subjugation and protest among them, and the impact of community-based groups on how they are able to negotiate and contest their disadvantages. The emergence of community-based organisations, especially those formed during the course of the struggle for labour rights, are seen as contributing to democratic pluralism. At the same time, the paper advises caution by emphasising that the formation of community-based organisations is no substitute for political advocacy or technical solutions; rather, they must be grounded in local traditions of protest to be effective.
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| 11 |
ID:
125402
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The formal inauguration of a new 'fifth generation' leadership in Beijing between November 2012 and March 2013 has predictably excited speculation about the possibility of reforming China's political system.
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| 12 |
ID:
131015
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Weber dismissed paci?sm as an inadequate orientation to modern social and political life. However, the ethical and methodological imperative of Gandhi's insistence on active nonviolence contention is illuminated by and consistent with Max Weber's "ethic of responsibility"-marked by both passion and proportion-in the relationship between motivations, means, and ends in social action. Therefore, Weber's insights add clarity Gandhi's nonviolent ethics and methods; Gandhi's nonviolent ethics and methods add clarity to Weber's understanding of responsibility in modern political and social life. This provides a key to understanding active nonviolence and building the (peaceful) future in the process of revolution.
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| 13 |
ID:
106929
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last decade, thousands of HIV/AIDS associations have sprung up across Africa to deal with high infection rates. This essay compares associations in South Africa, Mozambique, and Swaziland by examining how they work within the public arena, how issues are framed, and what the implications are for citizenship. Overall, I argue that South Africans are most free in their ability to critique government and vocalize opposition; associations have varying levels of "civicness" (with Swaziland least civic, South Africa most, and Mozambique in between); the framing of HIV issues as pertaining to human rights is a positive aspect for development; association tactics are a mix of African reciprocity and new identities; and international linkages do help build up, albeit sporadically, transnational networks of volunteers in new public space who stand up for what they define as their rights.
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| 14 |
ID:
129033
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| 15 |
ID:
124431
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Actor-network theory, material semiotics, the sociology of translation… The precise name of the domain in question is not itself entirely stable, and rightly so. In the ANT scheme of things, society is far less stable, representation and governance considerably more disputed, and order quite a bit more precarious, than most other frameworks would allow. Flux and impermanence are minor and tangled threads running throughout the history of the Western political imaginary: from Heraclitus and Lucretius to Nietzsche and Deleuze. No other research framework has married this minor current with empirical inquiry in a manner that is as thorough, practical, and relentlessly materialist as ANT. Bringing the Heraclitean worldview down to earth is one of its foremost accomplishments.
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| 16 |
ID:
129204
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2014.
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Giuliano Amato is currently one of the 15 constitutional court judges of Italy, having served as the prime minister of Italy in the years 1992-93 and 2000-01. He also served as Minister of Interior and Treasurer during the Financial Crisis. He is often remembered as the treasurer who had the political strength to make a radical and controversial decision: withdrawing from people's bank accounts 6 per thousand of their capital, an economic operation aimed at rectifying the disastrous financial situation that Italy was facing at the time. He is one of the few politicians that have been prominent figures in Italian politics during both the First Republic (1948-1994) and the Second Republic (1994-present). His article is mainly about the thorny path he faced while transitioning between the two republics, largely due to a widespread political scandal. It depicts the uncertainty of the Italian politics as it was undergoing a deep change: several new political parties were forming in the beginning of the 1990s, and Italians put much faith in this transition. Amato was at the very forefront of this political renaissance, and has been a stand-out public figure throughout the turbulent last few decades of Italian politics.
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| 17 |
ID:
129557
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article takes Turkey as a case study, exploring marital and inheritance regimes with regard to their impact on women and their ability to protect women's property rights. The aim of the study is to bring to light the workings of the legal system that regulate the acquisition of property and to scrutinize the gap between the law and its practice in Turkish society. By taking this approach, the article does not only focus on laws but also on how these laws are adopted by society. Thus, two levels of analysis-de jure and de facto-are utilized for an investigation of women's property rights and hence their social and economic status.
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| 18 |
ID:
133866
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A political idiom soaked in blood will only lead to bloodletting khan directly threatened policemen that he would hang them personally if they tried to stop his Azadi marchers in any way. The violent imagery continued with threats to drag with prime minister out of his house to throw him at the mercy of the marchers. Both the cleric and the ex-cricketer seemed almost disappointed that they were unable to draw blood to give impetus to their movements.
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