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| 1 |
ID:
154303
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the Palestinians facing a belligerent occupation, an apartheid system that favors Jewish settlers and a growing settler colonial project, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is becoming chronic, an ongoing Nakba.
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| 2 |
ID:
138329
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the ongoing stalemate on the Israeli-Palestinian bilateral track, all who actively seek peace still see the Arab Peace Initiative (API) of 2002 as a potential point of departure for breaking the impasse, contingent on the Israeli government’s readiness to accept the API as a basis for discussion. The draft United Nations Security Council resolution circulated by France refers to the API; there are reports that the United States may be developing a new API-based plan for peace; and the European Union has shown interest on many occasions in moving in that direction. Many Israeli parties have developed API-based plans for peace such as MK Yaakov Peri (Yesh Atid), the Zionist Camp, Meretz and others. Even Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman wants to distort the API’s content by calling for normalizing relations with the Arab countries without withdrawing from the Palestinian and Arab territories occupied in 1967.
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| 3 |
ID:
111731
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Let me start with the following question: Have Arab countries started the transition to democracy or not? This is the question now being asked around the world. To address this question I will begin with a quotation from Professor Sa'ad Eddin Ibrahim, who suggested that the Arab region has the plight of a triangle of actors. These three actors are al-toghah, al-gulah and alghuzah. Toghah are the authoritarian regimes, gulah are the extremists and ghuzah are the invaders. The thesis of Ibrahim was that it was the toghah, the authoritarian regimes who created the gulah, the extremists, as another despotic response to the despotism of the authoritarian regimes. Despotism creates another form of despotism. Then together the toghah and the gulah, the authoritarians and the extremists, brought the ghuzah, the invaders to the region, such as what happened in Iraq. In order to have democracy in Iraq, you have to do it through an invasion from outside.
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| 4 |
ID:
158141
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| Summary/Abstract |
Third party mediation is critical in pushing forward a new peace process that is based on Israeli and Palestinian compliance in fulfilling previous agreements, including an Israeli freeze on settlements. The freeze will be part of a transformative constructionist process that will allow both sides to negotiate from a more symmetrical position. It will also create more trust among the Palestinians by communicating that Israeli intentions are not about grabbing their land while discussing peace.
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| 5 |
ID:
075188
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| Publication |
Boulder, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2006.
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| Description |
xi, 323p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
1588263908
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051977 | 956.95054/KAU 051977 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
126448
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It was as a precursor to the establishment of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in May 1994, when the prospect of state-building entered the political horizon, that the concept of "civil society" became part of the research discourse in Palestine. Questions were posed about economic issues, the proposed structure of the national authority and the feasibility of building a democratic state out of an occupied land. Many feared that the new authority would lean toward authoritarianism rather than democracy - and therefore hoped to find in civil society both a balance for the power of the state and a means of redistributing power. They hoped that civil society would indeed turn out to be, in the words of Palestinian academic George Giacaman, "that societal sphere, in which the individual plays the role of a social actor through the society organizations and in relative separation from the state" (Giacaman, 1995, p.108). This article will consider what it means to discuss Palestinian civil society, trace its historical development, and review the challenges it has faced since 2007 after the political division of the West Bank and Gaza.
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| 7 |
ID:
075297
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| 8 |
ID:
184504
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| Summary/Abstract |
Whether the situation on the ground is “settler colonialism” or “apartheid” is not a luxury but a discussion that has practical political implications.
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| 9 |
ID:
101430
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| 10 |
ID:
126865
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article presents the author's views concerning the safety and security condition of several Palestinian Arabs in East Jerusalem. The author mentions the move of the Israeli government for these settlers by implementing policies through military occupation. The author cites the challenges faced by Palestinians due to the ailing condition of their security. The marginalization enforced for Palestinians is also noted.
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| 11 |
ID:
094121
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| 12 |
ID:
149805
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| Summary/Abstract |
The period from the 1940s to the 1970s was one of decolonization and self-determination for many countries in Asia and Africa. An immense amount of academic and intellectual writings about colonialism, neocolonialism as well as settler colonialism accompanied that process of decolonization. At the same time, the United Nations released several resolutions and documents condemning colonialism and seeking the immediate fulfillment of the right to self-determination for all peoples living under colonial rule. The most famous among these resolutions is the 1960 UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV), Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
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| 13 |
ID:
175762
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| Summary/Abstract |
Several peace plans have been initiated throughout the years of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and all have been pigeonholed with a veiled warning to the Palestinians “not to miss the proposed historic opportunity” and run the risk of losing even more if they don’t accept the Israeli conditions. What might seem like a logical call becomes questionable when one considers that every time it comes with a warning of catastrophic consequences for the Palestinian people. So, what makes the Trump peace plan different from the earlier peace plans?
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| 14 |
ID:
075293
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