| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
075785
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2006.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The bilateral relationship between Australia and the UK has been an extremely significant relationship for Australia, albeit one that carries with it considerable historical baggage. This article offers an overview of some key issues in the bilateral relationship, with a particular focus on the years following the second world war. Underpinned by ties in defence and security, trade and investment, and a multitude of social and cultural connections, the relationship remained strong - although sometimes irritable. With the 1960s and 1970s came profound changes, affecting practically every aspect of the relationship and unravelling some fundamental Australian assumptions, including those about the Commonwealth of Nations. The article concludes by briefly examining prospects for the contemporary bilateral relationship
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
151975
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines India–Russia relations after the year 2010, as it was in this year that former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev described India–Russia relationship as ‘Privileged Strategic Partnership’ during his New Delhi visit. The article argues that India–Russia relations remain steady in multilateral and bilateral context but some strains have come up in regional context of their relationship, mainly pertaining to Pakistan and Afghanistan. However, since India and Russia are keen to preserve their time-honoured relationship, these issues can be overcome through enhanced interaction in forums such as Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS) and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
151489
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Based on a comparative case study of bilateral and multilateral donors, this article examines individual and institutional accountabilities among donor officers, implementing agencies, government officials and intended beneficiaries. It explores how multiple accountability demands interact, the extent to which they conflict, and how development actors mediate among them when they do. Institutionally there was substantial alignment of objectives and little goal conflict between international donors and the state; however, there was poor harmonisation across the many donors and numerous projects they were pursuing. There was greater variation within rather than between bilateral and multilateral donor chains, with perceived accountability differing more based on individuals’ positions within their organisation than by the type of organisation for whom they worked. Most informants cited multiple entities to whom they felt accountable. They more frequently acknowledged outward accountability when there existed formal accountability mechanisms, although intended beneficiary groups were conceptualised in different ways.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
098476
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
098099
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, at the same time it has pursued multilateral trade negotiations via membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), China has embraced a regional approach to trade liberalization by negotiating a number of bilateral or regional free trade agreements (FTAs) with its trading partners. This paper examines China's increasingly active FTA diplomacy and seeks to explain China's motives for pursuing expanded FTAs. Specifically, this paper argues that while China's FTA activism reflects considerations about enhancing China's influence in the Asia-Pacific region, capturing the economic gains of FTA participation, and minimizing the trade and investment diversion resulting from the competitive dynamics of regional trade liberalization, the move toward expanded FTAs is also consistent with the desire to create alternative bargaining forums over trade issues that could help to stabilize expectations as well as the need to use FTAs to control the pace of trade liberalization so as to accommodate protectionist pressure emanating from domestic interest groups. In particular, this paper highlights the impact of domestic politics on China's FTA negotiations through a detailed discussion of how pressure from protectionist seeking interests influences the scope and depth of China's FTAs.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|