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| 1 |
ID:
146456
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| Summary/Abstract |
The demise of the Doha round of trade negotiations is often attributed to deadlocks in agricultural negotiations between the developed and the developing world. Why has agriculture been so difficult to negotiate? This article explains North-South agricultural negotiations through the lens of coalition politics, especially the shift from bloc to issue-based diplomacy from the developing world. We argue against the proposition in the negotiation literature that multiple coalitions at the international level allow negotiators room to maneuver. Our study shows that bloc coalitions in fact allowed for compromise more than issue-based coalitions in agriculture, which are often supported by strong domestic constituencies. Empirically, the article focuses on the Uruguay Round when the North and South struck an agreement on agriculture and the Doha Round, which remains deadlocked. The article also provides an in-depth case study of India’s agricultural interests and its food security program in the context of the WTO.
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| 2 |
ID:
076025
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| 3 |
ID:
076496
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Does international trade in cultural products threaten cultural diversity in the developing world? This article seeks to question the implied correlation by exploring the intellectual and empirical bases of the claims. Conceptually, I argue that cultural diversity viewed from the perspective of the nation-state is problematic. Politically, of course, nation-states make this claim themselves in protecting their self-interest globally. Empirically, this paper shows that nation-states at the forefront of the movement protecting cultural diversity are, in fact, top exporters of cultural products, something that is not apparent in the mercantilist position taken by these states with respect to international trade in cultural products. The paper then explores the position of developing countries explicitly taking advantage of globalization of culture to promote both their cultural distinctiveness as well as their exports. These "cultural voices," I conclude, are growing economically and socially and cannot be dismissed as playing second fiddle to those from the developed world.
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| 4 |
ID:
099815
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To what extent do trade negotiations deliver on development objectives articulated from the developing world? In the past, the developed world deployed moralistic foreign policies and largesse to placate the developing world. The article examines the ways in which the global power configurations are now changing to allow developing countries to gain concessions instead through negotiations that are consistent with their development aspirations. It first provides a brief negotiation history of the developing world's relationship with the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) through the lens of development. The article then analyzes the intellectual property and agricultural negotiations at the current Doha Round of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to conclude that the developed world's preferred outcome remains moral largesse rather than making trade concessions.
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| 5 |
ID:
137641
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The classic hierarchical distribution of power featuring nation-states is now increasingly supplemented with a diffusion of power with multiple actors. A hierarchical concentration of power is predicated toward bargaining coercion and great powers can impose their solutions on the weak. Diffused power allows for joint problem solving among multiple actors through negotiations but also makes reaching agreement hard because of the relatively greater equality among bargaining units. Reaching agreement in a diffusion of power is also hard because of the new perspectives and meanings that arise through globalized interactions. These new meanings – for example, commerce viewed through the lens of intra-firm rather than inter-country trade – make it hard to fashion solutions based on past understandings centered on territoriality and nation-states
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| 6 |
ID:
146452
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| Summary/Abstract |
International trade has become increasingly important to emerging market economies. Concurrently, increasing trade liberalization through the multilateral Doha Round, launched in November 2001, from the World Trade Organization (WTO) has been a failure. The essays in this issue evaluate the role of Brazil, China, and India at the WTO examining in particular their domestic and coalitional constraints, the fairness and justice claims underlying their interests, and the types of identity politics that inform their negotiation positions. These three facets do not make multilateral negotiations easy but they do offer possibilities for future negotiations. Multilateral trade negotiations may not decline but the current era of ‘managed multilateralism’ has become complex balancing great and emerging powers interests.
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| 7 |
ID:
034537
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Inter India publications, 1981.
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| Description |
xii,202p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 021166 | 331.110951/SIN 021166 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
030945
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New Delhi, Inter-India-Publications, 1982.
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| Description |
xii, 202p
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 022044 | 331.110954/SIN 022044 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
119477
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The transformational impact of information technologies changes the dominant meanings of the identity and interests of global actors. These transformations cannot be ascertained through technology's impact upon the capabilities of actors as understood in traditional accounts of power. The concept of meta-power explains the new meanings, which come about in global politics from an increasing number of perspectives and interactions facilitated through information exchanges and learning. Especially when information technologies diffuse or decentralize relations across global actors, we would expect that increased interactions among them would allow new meaning formation to increase. Individual and social identities are no longer singular or linearly consistent through time, and global politics reveal multiple meanings for the issues and actors in question. Illustrative examples are provided for individual-level identity formation and for the implications for global politics in networked environments.
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| 10 |
ID:
172306
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| Summary/Abstract |
Multilateral negotiations are often facilitated through international organizations, but are not coterminous with them. This essay advances a few ‘mid-level’ propositions with respect to the negotiation structure that provides an overall context and the negotiation process where tactics guide the exchange of concessions. In terms of negotiation structure, a stable institutional structure is giving rise to a transitional one resulting in system spoilers in international negotiations leading to deadlocks and no-agreements. The bargaining phases are marked with games of chicken and grand-standing making it hard to effectively practice common negotiation tactics such as coalition-building, trade-offs and linkages. The article provides examples from the Uruguay Round and the breakdown of the Doha Round of trade negotiations through the World Trade Organization. The essay’s propositions address the breakdown of existing multilateralism through international organizations, but also document the continuation of underlying multilateral principles.
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