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| 1 |
ID:
082501
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| 2 |
ID:
091487
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the ways and means in which states employ irregular and indigenous personnel in a counter-insurgency (COIN) or counter-terrorist (CT) campaign, in the historical and contemporary context. The authors clarify the terminology surrounding this neglected area of COIN/CT theory, and identify four types of indigenous assistance - individual actors (trackers, interpreters, informers and agents); home guards and militias; counter-gangs; and pseudo-gangs. This article concludes that while the use of such indigenous irregulars has its advantages for the state and its armed/security forces (particularly as far as intelligence, local knowledge and undermining the insurgent's cause is concerned), it can also have serious practical and ethical implications for a COIN/CT campaign, and can have unexpected and unwelcome consequences including violations of laws of armed conflict, the undermining of governmental authority and the prospects of endemic internal strife and state collapse.
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| 3 |
ID:
087810
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| 4 |
ID:
140810
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| Summary/Abstract |
We propose that the relative influence of clans is an important explanatory factor producing significant variation in state stability and security across societies. We explore the micro-level processes that link clan predominance with dysfunctional syndromes of state behavior. Clans typically privilege agnatic descent from the patriline and are characterized by extreme subordination of women effected through marriage practices. Particular types of marriage practices give rise to particular types of political orders and may be fiercely guarded for just this reason. We construct and validate a Clan Governance Index to investigate which variables related to women's subordination to the patriline in marriage are useful to include in such an index. We then show that clan governance is a useful predictor of indicators of state stability and security, and we probe the value added by its inclusion with other conventional explanatory variables often linked to state stability and security.
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| 5 |
ID:
076602
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| 6 |
ID:
076611
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| 7 |
ID:
076612
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| 8 |
ID:
192056
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study identifies security-related factors affecting the formation of the global arms trade network. This empirical analysis using a quantitative approach includes data from multiple sources (the Global Peace Index, Political Stability Index, Democracy Index, Global Terrorism Index, Fragile State Index, and military expenditure as a percentage of GDP) and multiple states analyzed using the ERGM. Arms trade data related to six attributes of states representing their (in)stability is collected and analyzed for 2012-2018. Our findings are as follows: (1) states with greater internal stability import more arms, which affects the formation of the global arms trade network; (2) states with greater external instability import more arms, which also affects the formation of the global arms trade network. This study makes two academic contributions, as follows. First, we analyze factors that form the global arms trade network from a holistic or systemic perspective. Second, we analyze those factors empirically and statistically from a security perspective.
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| 9 |
ID:
086083
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| 10 |
ID:
078574
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| 11 |
ID:
076032
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| 12 |
ID:
076601
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| 13 |
ID:
149863
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the shale revolution was largely a US’ affair, it affects the global energy system. In this paper, we look at the effects of this spectacular increase in natural gas, and oil, extraction capacity can have on the mix of primary energy sources, on energy prices, and through that on internal political stability of rentier states. We use two exploratory simulation models to investigate the consequences of the combination of both complexity and uncertainty in relation to the global energy system and state stability. Our simulations show that shale developments could be seen as part of a long term hog-cycle, with a short term drop in oil prices if unconventional supply substitutes demand for oil. These lower oil prices may lead to instability in rentier states neighbouring the EU, especially when dependence on oil and gas income is high, youth bulges are present, or buffers like sovereign wealth funds are too limited to bridge the negative economic effects of temporary low oil prices.
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| 14 |
ID:
076810
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| 15 |
ID:
082886
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The situation in Iraq is improving. With the right strategy, the United States will eventually be able to draw down troops without sacrificing stability
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| 16 |
ID:
096697
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 9/11, counterinsurgency is back in fashion; the 'war on terror' has even been branded a 'global counterinsurgency'. However the context within which counterinsurgency originally arose is critical to understanding the prospects for its present success; the radically changed environment in which it is currently being conducted casts into considerable doubt the validity of the doctrine's application by many national militaries currently 'rediscovering' this school of military thought today. Above all, classical counterinsurgency was a profoundly imperial, state-centric phenomenon; consequently it only rarely faced the thorny issue of sovereignty and legitimacy which bedevils and may doom these same efforts today.
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| 17 |
ID:
078716
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since June 1999 Kosovo has been under UN administration pending the determination of its final status. Following the province-wide riots in March 2004 the international administration acknowledged that the 'standards before status' policy then being pursued was undermining stability and inter-communal dialogue. Thereafter various ostensibly new initiatives have been implemented to accelerate the process towards final status and the removal of the international administration. This article, however, will demonstrate the continuities between the old and new policies. It will additionally argue that the policies advanced by the Eide Report, the International Commission on the Balkans and the recent Ahtisaari Proposals, regarding the extension of the international administration and the (inconclusive) status of Kosovo threaten stability in the region and do little to resolve the underlying problem
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| 18 |
ID:
081408
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| 19 |
ID:
086095
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| 20 |
ID:
078930
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