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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
078074
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Germany took over the rotating presidency of the EU in the first half of 2007 one of its primary tasks was to redirect and reform EU's Central Asia policy before the Council's adoption of a new Strategy Paper for Central Asia in June. As Germany's Presidency Program explicitly states: "The Presidency will pay particular attention to the strategically significant region of Central Asia. The EU plans to adopt a strategy on Central Asia defining its interests and objectives." Moreover, following a meeting with MEPs on 23 January, 2007, Germany's Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier announced that Germany would launch a new "Central Asia Initiative" which would bundle together energy and security, the two overarching interests of the EU in the region, into a single coherent strategy. It is still, as of May 2007, unclear if this initiative will complement the Regional Strategy Paper or be integrated into it. Nevertheless, the urgency of a redirection of policy could scarcely be understated considering that Europe's substantial interests in Central Asia rarely have been more evident while the absence of strategy seldom has been clearer.
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| 2 |
ID:
076178
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| Publication |
Uppsala, Central Asia Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, 2007.
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| Description |
135p.
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| Standard Number |
9185473316
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 052251 | 327.54/KIE 052251 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
080418
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to explore the implications of Shanghai Cooperation Organization's (SCO) engagement with India, Pakistan and Iran. Not in terms of power-politics or as a counterbalance to the USA as this has been explored elsewhere, but what practical problems such an expanded organization could help solve, what opportunities it could realize, and how SCO's engagement in trade is a function of favourable political and bilateral developments in the region. It is argued here that the trade, infrastructure and energy sectors are of particular importance and that substantial potential gains could be realized if coordination is improved. Nevertheless, it is also recognized that China, Russia, Pakistan, India and Iran may have lower standards of democratic development and economic transparency than the West. What is the motivation behind the SCO's engagement with India, Pakistan and Iran? Should this engagement be conceived only in terms of balancing US unipolarity or are there legitimate concerns of increasing regional cooperation in Eurasia?
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