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| 1 |
ID:
099525
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| 2 |
ID:
099487
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The beginning of Turkey's accession negotiations with the European Union on October 3, 2005 constituted an important turning point for Turkey's relations with the EU and for Turkish socio-political transformation. This paper poses the following questions: (i) Is there a Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy as a result of Turkey's accession negotiations with the EU? (ii) If so, then what are the main areas and limits in which Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy has occurred? This paper answers these questions by providing a background of Europeanization; first by differentiating between the member states and the candidate countries; second by analyzing the Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy through an investigation of the changes in Turkish foreign policy since 1999 with regards to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), NATO-EU cooperation and Turkey's Middle Eastern neighbors.
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| 3 |
ID:
108634
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Employing the four categories of change as defined by Charles Hermann and the insight of Walter Carlsneas that the dynamic between structure and agency causally condition each over time, the article conceptualizes change in Turkish foreign policy under the AKP. This theoretical analysis of Turkey's foreign policy allows for the examination of the interplay of domestic actors with the regional and international systems including their economic, identity and security components. It also explores the impact Turkey's activism in the area has had in Turkey and among the people of the region. Finally, it raises key questions as to the future of Turkish foreign policy as the outcomes of the Arab Spring develop.
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| 4 |
ID:
095681
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study sets out to explain the general characteristics of current Turkish foreign policy where it examines the interplay between important world events and emergent novel ideas at four different levels of analysis (conceptual setting, micro-setting, domestic macro-setting, and external macro-setting). The new Turkish foreign policy vision and its normative strategy, derived from Davuto lu's Strategic Depth, have been blended with five new principles: balance between security and freedom; zero problems with neighbors; multidimensional and multi-track policies; a new diplomatic discourse based on firm flexibility; and rhythmic diplomacy.
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| 5 |
ID:
108459
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recep Tayyip Erdog(an is clearly the most controversial figure in recent Turkish political history. His preponderance in political life is remarkable even by Turkish standards. Because Erdog(an is so powerful and has effectively weakened most internal checks on his power, any attempt to explain Turkey's recent foreign policy outcomes will be seriously lacking without considering his leadership impact. The purpose of this study is to investigate Erdog(an's worldview and leadership style, and evaluate their impact on his government's policy processes and outputs. To do that, we employ the Leadership Trait Analysis technique to construct the leadership profile of Erdog(an through content analysis of his verbal records while in office. We contend here that our understanding of AKP-era Turkey is enhanced if we offer a systematic and rigorous account of Erdog(an's personality, and that he presents a clear example of the importance of taking individual-level variables seriously in foreign policy analysis.
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| 6 |
ID:
109133
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| 7 |
ID:
088527
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 20th century, the world reconciled itself to the Soviet Union's influence in the Caucasus and the Central Asian Region. The West, particularly the U.S., wanted to be a major if not the main actor in this power game after the collapse of the Soviet system. Its first goal, certainly, was to gain control over the wealthy oil and natural gas reserves of the Caucasian and Central Asian nations, but its next goal was no less significant: diverting oil around Russia and preventing Moscow from reasserting its control over the Caucasus and Central Asia. Georgia was preferred as the primary pro-Western state for secure transportation of the huge oil and gas prosperity of the neighboring regions. So when the main Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline for transporting oil through Georgia was completed in 2005, it was hailed as the most important success U.S. strategy had scored over Russia and helped to diversify its energy deliveries, given the instability of the Middle East.
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| 8 |
ID:
097168
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| 9 |
ID:
076916
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines to what extent Turkey's foreign policy identity has transformed from being a 'hard power' to a 'soft power' over the last few years. In doing so, this article also contends that there is a close relationship between the degree of securitisation of issues and whether the power used to deal with them is hard or soft in nature. If issues of concern were securitised, the tendency to use hard power would increase. Another argument is that the main difference between these two types of power stems from the kind of 'logic of action' that governs the behaviour of agents. If an instrumental logic of action were in play, meaning if the goal were to force others to make a cost-benefit analysis through coercing or coaxing strategies, then one could talk about hard power. If the goal were to ensure that others would automatically follow the lead of the power-holder due to the power of attraction the latter has in the eyes of the former, then one could refer to the existence of soft power. The main conclusion of this article is that recent internal and external developments have contributed to Turkey's soft power potential.
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| 10 |
ID:
049106
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| Publication |
Washington, Institute for National Strategic Studies, 1997.
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| Description |
v, 117p.
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| Series |
McNair paper; 56
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| Standard Number |
10717552
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039059 | 355.0330561/MAY 039059 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
108637
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines Turkey's energy relations with the Middle East from a perspective of opportunities and limitations brought about by the structure of Turkey's general energy relations. As Turkish foreign policy and energy strategy become increasingly integrated, Turkish-Middle East energy relations offer a solid test case on the soundness and applicability of not only Turkey's energy strategy, but also for the success of Turkey's foreign policy during the last decade. Analyzing Middle East energy and the structure of Turkey's energy (im)balances, this article goes on to explore Turkey's energy relations with individual Middle East countries and questions the results achieved. While doing so, it also puts and evaluates Turkey's energy strategy within the context of Turkish foreign policy. It argues that as the result of diverse effects and influences of policies observed by Turkish officials, as well as an array of structural factors, the gains of Turkey's energy strategy and its future success remains questionable, while the case of energy strategy provides a telling case on the success of Turkish foreign policy.
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| 12 |
ID:
101171
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As part of on-going multidimensional foreign policy changes in recent years, there has been since 1998 a revival in Turkey's relations with Africa. Initially rather passive, after 2005 this became a massive effort to develop relations with the whole continent. However, Turkey's Africa policy is unique in Turkish foreign policy, since for the first time it is driven and complemented by the activities of civil society organisations in and about Africa. Conceptualisation of Africa in Turkish society has changed dramatically in less than a decade, and the recent Turkey-Africa Cooperation Summit should be seen as part of this trend. Turkey's opening to Africa is not a short-term inclination, but is likely to develop and deepen in coming years.
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| 13 |
ID:
084201
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2008.
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Since its foundation, Turkey's foreign policymakers have declined to undertake any pioneering roles in global initiatives, such as assuming the position of the spokesperson of the Islamic world, on international platforms. Given this, the Alliance of Civilizations initiative presents not only a challenge to the traditional parameters of Turkish foreign policy but also a new perspective for Turkish foreign policy. This essay examines the roots of this change, the rise of the notion of the Alliance of Civilizations, and Turkey's role in this initiative. It also analyzes the impact of Turkey's role in the initiative on other foreign-policy issues, such as European Union membership.
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| 14 |
ID:
076527
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses Turkish foreign policy over the past four years, since the election of a `post-Islamist' administration. It argues that although this period has been `Huntingtonian', in terms of the diff erent political values and origins of the government on the one hand and the largely Kemalist state on the other, in the realm of foreign policy at least the relationship has been more cooperative and complementary than confictual. By focusing on seven areas of Turkey's foreign relations, as diverse as the EU, Cyprus, Syria and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the article identifies four types of experience in the overall conduct of policy: convergence; contained disharmomy; managed ideological divergence; and neutrality. It concludes by arguing that, providing Turkey's political institutions remain robust, there is no reason why this surprisingly successful cohabitation should not continue into the next parliament after 2007.
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| 15 |
ID:
105390
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the prospects of the Turkish government's rhetoric of following zero-problems with neighbors and pursuing 'positive-sum' strategies to foster regional cooperation. Through a detailed examination of the Turkish-Azerbaijani energy cooperation in the context of the Nabucco natural gas pipeline, the article concludes that this policy is unsustainable and Turkey will come under pressure to set a more realistic foreign policy agenda that prioritizes among the country's strategic relationships. Moreover, although many believe that Turkey's overtures to Armenia lie at the heart of the troubles in Turkish-Azerbaijani energy talks, this article suggests that the real causes are the diverging interests between the two countries due to the underlying incompatibilities of their energy policies, breeding a 'negative-sum' game.
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