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| 1 |
ID:
175768
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| Summary/Abstract |
As I write this in mid-March of 2020, events, priorities and attitudes are changing at a dizzying speed. Everything is eclipsed by fear and apprehension regarding the coronavirus. Even before the virus took front and center, the rapid reversal in the political fortunes of Bernie Sanders and Joe Biden as a result of the South Carolina primary on February 29 and Super Tuesday on March 3 meant that most Democrats (though by no means all) accepted that they would almost certainly be relying on Joe Biden to defeat Donald Trump in November, which is their overwhelming priority.
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| 2 |
ID:
188832
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the wake of the failure of the “classic” two-state solution to make headway since the collapse of the Camp David negotiations in 2000, the idea of a confederal solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is being increasingly seen as a realistic political format by Palestinians and Israelis of both the left and the right. Examples and models of reconciliation and confederation are discussed in this article and certain myths, including that religious strictures are unchangeable, are challenged. The author concludes that confederation is possible, though admittedly difficult, and seems the only viable alternative to the stalemated status quo.
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| 3 |
ID:
095363
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the conditions that might facilitate the long awaited diplomatic breakthrough in the relationship between Israel and the Palestinians in the Obama presidency. In order to identify ten specific factors, the article relies on the rich historical record of peace negotiations, particularly since 1967. The analysis indicates that, despite the presence of a number of the factors which have facilitated past agreements, there are others which militate against excessive optimism.
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| 4 |
ID:
119465
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
S ince the publication of S hared H istories 1 in 2005, the narratives of the various sides in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have become both a cottage industry 2 and a common catchphrase 3 used frequently even by negotiators and politicians. However, the concept of narratives as a working tool in the peace process has not yet been taken on board by those involved in resolving the conflict.
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| 5 |
ID:
076557
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| 6 |
ID:
161217
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although I live in Washington, DC, less than 3 miles from the White House lawn, on September 13, 1993 I watched the signing ceremony of the Oslo Accords from Jerusalem. I took a tiny bit of ownership in watching the peace process succeeding (as I thought then) before my eyes, as I had set up the first DC office of Americans for Peace Now in 1989 and had spent a year and a half lobbying for peace — in those pre-Oslo days when even Peace Now was afraid to openly support two states. I had little doubt that — as many friends put it — “we won” and, except for inevitable bumps on the road, Israeli-Palestinian peace was (almost) assured. Later that evening, I saw groups of Palestinians mingling with Israelis around the “seam” line, some carrying PLO flags that had been strictly illegal until then.
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| 7 |
ID:
141360
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| Summary/Abstract |
Claims that criticism of Israel stems from anti-Semitism has a history in Israel, and can be cynically manipulated for political ends.
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