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| 1 |
ID:
115400
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| 2 |
ID:
188137
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the withdrawal of the US and coalition forces from Afghanistan and the rapid takeover by the Taliban, most Central Asian governments recognized the Taliban in a pragmatic decision to peacefully coexist with the neighboring extremist regime that will likely remain in power for the foreseeable future. Tajikistan is, however, denying the Taliban recognition and indirectly supporting the resistance movement in Panjshir. The political and human catastrophe in Afghanistan is threatening to boost autocratic tendencies and further deepen political gaps in Central Asian societies. This article discusses the rationale behind each Central Asian government’s approach to the Talibanized Afghanistan and the looming domestic and external challenges to the region.
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| 3 |
ID:
076613
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| 4 |
ID:
077915
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| 5 |
ID:
137232
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines how Kyrgyzstan's two post-communist political regimes used offshore accounts to launder money and broker lucrative deals with international business partners. It argues that easy access to global financial institutions and availability of offshore markets strengthens a corrupt regime's grip on both political and economic matters and gives regime members a feeling of invincibility both domestically and globally. Offshore connections contributed to the emergence of a vast shadow economy inside Kyrgyzstan that includes clandestine hydropower exports, manipulations in the financial sector, and organized crime. The paper particularly focuses on the non-state actors who served as brokers to mediate connections between regime incumbents and international markets.
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| 6 |
ID:
091896
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic hardship and porous borders have contributed to the rise in human trafficking in Central Asia, but there is no significant cross-border cooperation to crack down on the trade. Erica Marat examines why some governments are keener to address the issue that others.
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| 7 |
ID:
181816
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the last 30 years since the advent of independence, the field of Central Asian studies has become more diverse and new generations of scholars have emerged. This issue assembles seven articles by 10 authors who represent the field at large. In addition to embracing the growing field, the authors critique what they view as remaining misinterpretations or omissions in their respective disciplines. Exciting innovations for understanding Central Asia continue to flourish from the region as well as in collaboration with international partners. The coming decade is a turning point for the Central Asian studies – a time to host spirited debates and explore experimental approaches, new theories and topics.
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| 8 |
ID:
177871
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| 9 |
ID:
085527
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article recalls the major events that have taken place since 24 March 2005. It examines Bakiev's new government formed in December 2007, analyses the changes in criminal world dynamics, explains problems in the hydro-energy sector, and concludes with a section on civil society groups. The article demonstrates how corruption, crime and politics are interlinked in the country and how, on the other hand, local civil society groups have proved to be considerably more stable compared to political parties.
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| 10 |
ID:
097547
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2010.
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| Description |
x, 160p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415493475
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055091 | 322.50958/MAR 055091 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
090574
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay examines the national images that Central Asian states are trying to present to international audiences. Since 1991 all Central Asian states have created national ideologies, but only three-Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan-have programmes in place to capture the attention of foreign businessmen, politicians and tourists. Following the pattern of crafting national ideologies for domestic audiences in all three states, the ruling elites have led the effort to create a unique national 'brand' identity for their country.
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| 12 |
ID:
149738
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| Summary/Abstract |
Kazakhstan’s and Tajikistan’s governments were able to successfully strengthen their reach and their capacity to control the population in the wake of deadly violence against regime opponents. Yet the process of deepening authoritarianism was not a straightforward affair. Both countries expanded their coercive capabilities – they upgraded policing in rural areas to improve intelligence gathering on the local population and predict the rise of any anti-government activities. While doing so, however, leaders of both countries sought to frame their actions as an inclusive process that was sensitive to the grievances of the affected populations and the general public. This article adds to the growing body of literature on authoritarian state responses to insurgency by showing how authoritarian regimes create narratives, engage civil society and look for political advantage to expand the coercive apparatus.
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| 13 |
ID:
093135
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| 14 |
ID:
177907
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay examines ‘smart city’ initiatives rapidly emerging across Eurasia that are aimed at the surveillance of disorderly and criminal behaviour in public spaces. They are a result of both locally driven demand to modernise law enforcement and global pressures to innovate. We specifically compare Kyiv, Almaty, and Bishkek. Each city differs in regard to who initiated smart city policies and under what conditions new technology was purchased from foreign vendors. Our essay contributes to the growing socio-legal literature on Eurasia by analysing how these electronic surveillance projects are used to manufacture an orderly, safe society and achieve modernity without the burden of deeper political change.
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