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| 1 |
ID:
106811
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| 2 |
ID:
077087
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
country seeking to return to the global stage as a major actor must find a well-planned solution to the problem of providing its foreign policy with sufficient resources. The volatility of foreign policy spending reveals the main problem: political decisions in Russia are poorly translated into budgetary categories and specific plans with a particular price tag.
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| 3 |
ID:
083938
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| 4 |
ID:
046621
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| Publication |
Saint-Petersburg, Saint-Petersburg State University Press, 2002.
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| Description |
173p.
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| Standard Number |
5288031630
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 045935 | 327.4/KHU 045935 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
099591
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| 6 |
ID:
085655
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Kremlin's change of leadership on 7 May 2008 and growing international fears of Russia's resurgence, especially in the aftermath of the Georgian conflict, make this an interesting time to reflect upon EU-Russia security relations. This article does so by examining closely the Survey of Russian Federation Foreign Policy and, one year on from its approval, drawing upon subsequent developments as preliminary corollary or otherwise of its bearing on policy. On balance, it seems that the Kremlin's evolving perception of Russia and international relations has encouraged revised priorities and objectives and a more forceful foreign policy that not only slow progress in filling the Common Spaces, but also increase the likelihood of Russia-EU competition especially in their shared neighbourhood.
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| 7 |
ID:
097956
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| 8 |
ID:
083939
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| 9 |
ID:
124340
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is to outline a theoretical context for a relatively new discussion. Initially, I will formulate the main provisions of neoclassical realism, then I will briefly review the neoclassical view of Russian foreign policy that we presented three years ago. Finally, I will look at how the ongoing transformations - some of which are clearly visible while others are hardly noticeable - may influence the conception and practical realization of Russian foreign policy.
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| 10 |
ID:
083918
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| 11 |
ID:
101178
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| 12 |
ID:
078905
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| 13 |
ID:
101053
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This assessment of Russia as an Arctic power derives from an analysis of structural and ideological factors. It looks at the following indicators: Russia's domestic political system, Russia's foreign policy, and an assessment of Russian economic and military power, primarily in the context of Arctic circumpolar affairs. This assessment also rests on the assumption that Arctic security issues cannot be separated from the larger context of global security. As a result, Russia's behavior in the Arctic over the next decade and beyond will be shaped by its great power aspirations, its relationship with other great powers both in the Arctic and outside of it and the resources available to the Russian state to support its Arctic ambitions.
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| 14 |
ID:
050124
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| Publication |
Geneva, Programme for Strategic and International Security Studies, 1995.
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| Description |
73p.
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| Contents |
PSIS occasional paper no. 3/1995
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 037337 | 327.47/UTK 037337 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 15 |
ID:
077091
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The methodologies being implemented by President Vladimir Putin will continue to determine foreign policy beyond 2008 regardless of who will be the presidential successor in the Kremlin. The key issue will remain the same, namely, what resources and levers can help Russia return to the Greater Orient in practical terms, and whether it needs this return at all.
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| 16 |
ID:
083993
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia's military incursion into Georgia in August 2008 and formal recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia raise fundamental questions about Russian regional policy, strategic objectives and attitudes to the use of armed force. The spectacle of maneouvre warfare on the periphery of Europe could form a watershed in post-Cold War Russian relations with its neighbourhood and the wider international community. The speed and scale with which Russia's initial 'defensive' intervention to 'coerce Georgia to peace' led to a broad occupation of many Georgian regions focuses attention on the motivations behind Russian military preparations for war and the political gains Moscow expected from such a broad offensive. Russia has failed to advance a convincing legal case for its operations and its 'peace operations' discourse has been essentially rhetorical. Some Russian goals may be inferred: the creation of military protectorates in South Ossetia and Abkhazia; inducing Georgian compliance, especially to block its path towards NATO; and creating a climate of uncertainty over energy routes in the South Caucasus. Moscow's warning that it will defend its 'citizens' (nationals) at all costs broadens the scope of concerns to Russia's other neighbour states, especially Ukraine. Yet an overreaction to alarmist scenarios of a new era of coercive diplomacy may only encourage Russian insistence that its status, that of an aspirant global power, be respected. This will continue to be fuelled by internal political and psychological considerations in Russia. Careful attention will need to be given to the role Russia attributes to military power in pursuing its revisionist stance in the international system.
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| 17 |
ID:
088838
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| 18 |
ID:
076625
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| 19 |
ID:
089272
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| 20 |
ID:
102176
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