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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
170519
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has increased its investment and influence in Central-Eastern European (CEE) countries through the “16 + 1” framework in 2011 and the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiatives in 2013. Given China’s rising influence, this paper explores civilian views of China in the Czech Republic. Using survey analysis of 663 respondents in 11 Czech universities, we find that our respondents’ impression of China is neither negative nor positive. By contrast, they do not have a good impression of Russia. Their impression of Japan is the best. Our respondents recognize that China is the most influential player in Asia. Albeit divided, there is a tendency for respondents to believe that China will surpass the USA as the world’s leading power, but they cannot reach consensus on whether such development will be peaceful or not. Our survey also finds out that, while the Czech government wishes to get closer to China politically and economically, citizens are somewhat divided on various dimensions of issues concerning China. This is a pattern that continues from the past. The 2013 change of political landscape in the Czech Republic does not seem to have altered many of the societal responses to China.
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| 2 |
ID:
113615
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This report presents cartographic evidence of the government of the Republic of China's (ROC) change of attitude from denying to asserting sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands in the early 1970s. Scholars have hinted that China kept silent about the Japanese claim on the Diaoyutai Islands since its 1895 annexation. As cartographic evidence in this report reveals, however, the ROC did not keep silent. By not including the Diaoyutai Islands in its official cartographic productions, the ROC admitted that the Diaoyutai Islands were not part of its territory. This has significant implications for the ROC because Japan exerts its claim over the islands not only on the terra nullius principle, but also on the fact that Taiwan viewed these islands as non-ROC territory until the 1970s. Today, Taiwan continues to exert the claim that it has owned these islands since ancient times. Our cartographic evidence suggests difficulties for Taiwan in defending its claim in this longstanding battle.
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| 3 |
ID:
139452
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sinophone cyberspace, the imagined, global space where netizens write and communicate predominantly in Chinese, is a dynamic set of encounters and narratives in the lived realities of ‘Chineseness’, where ‘being Chinese’ is a fluid, sometimes imposed, and often challenged notion. The language and cultural practices of Sinophone communities around the world are highly diverse, refracted by a large number of endogenous factors and responses to the stimulus of exogenous local conditions.
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| 4 |
ID:
111534
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given the recent increase of scholarly interest in the Uyghur diaspora's international activism, this research note presents the development of the Uyghur issue in Germany. Although the Uyghur issue has gradually received attention in German legislative debate, this was not primarily achieved through diasporic efforts; rather, the willingness of sympathetic German parliamentarians to offer Uyghur activists the opportunities and venues to operate played a determining role. However, party politics and reservations from the executive branch have prevented Berlin from accepting Uyghur Guantanamo inmates.
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| 5 |
ID:
139458
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| Summary/Abstract |
This review article summarises the literature on the relations between states and their diaspora. Policy-makers are struggling to know how best to respond to and possibly harness the potential of kindred communities abroad. The article outlines a wide spectrum of policy initiatives and categorises them into three groups: economic, political and socio-cultural. Five economic, four political and two socio-cultural factors are discussed as are a wide variety of implementation strategies evident in different jurisdictions. Though the focus is on Asia, examples have been chosen from locations worldwide. Academically, the article identifies the empirical and conceptual deficiencies in studies on diaspora strategies.
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| 6 |
ID:
142199
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using Kazakhstan as an example, this research note seeks to address an empirical gap in the understanding of Central Asian perspectives on the rise of China. Theoretically, this article adheres to the constructivist argument in international relations that, to understand the influence of China's rise on world politics, a pure measurement of China's political, economic, and military power is insufficient. What truly matters is how China views itself in the world order and how other countries perceive and interpret China's global position when forming their foreign policy strategies toward China. Asian Barometer and Afrobarometer contain similar instruments that are used to measure East Asian, South Asian, and African perspectives on China's rise. This research note suggests the adoption of similar survey instruments to explore how China is received in Central Asia. We present the results of a pilot test that was conducted in Kazakhstan, where we found that members of the future elites are generally positive about the rise of China. This pattern is not surprising, because future elites in nondemocratic countries tend to incorporate national interests into their value systems. Given the limited scale of the survey, the findings cannot be regarded as definitive; however, they suggest directions for further research. Finally, the matter of how to improve the survey instruments is discussed in the conclusion.
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| 7 |
ID:
076674
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| 8 |
ID:
077034
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| 9 |
ID:
084161
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